THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


(Bermanic  Xfterature  an&  Culture 

A  SERIES  OF  MONOGRAPHS 
EDITED  BY  JULIUS  GOEBEL,  PH.D. 

PROFESSOR   OF    GERMANIC    LANGUAGES    IN   THE    UNIVERSITY    OF   ILLINOIS 


MILTON 
AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

A  STUDY  OF  GERMAN  MYSTICISM  IN 
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY  ENGLAND 


BY 
MARGARET  LEWIS  BAILEY,  PH.D. 

Sometime  Fellow  at  the  University  of  Illinois 


NEW  YORK 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

AMERICAN  BRANCH:    85  Wur  S2NO  STRICT 

LONDON.  TORONTO.  MELBOURNE.  AND   BOMBAY 
HUMPHREY  MILFORD 

1914 

ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


Copyright,  1914. 

BY  OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

AMERICAN  BRANCH 


College 
Library 

PR 
IMS 

-O    I  £T 
*J  i  Otw 

EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

THE  present  study  is  the  first  of  a  series  of  monographs 
on  Germanic  literature  and  culture.  As  the  title  indicates, 
the  plan  of  the  series  does  not  limit  its  scope  to  German 
literature,  but  includes  also  the  literatures  and  civilizations 
of  the  peoples  of  kindred  origin. 

While  literature  is  usually  considered  the  most  perfect 
expression  of  national  genius,  it  is,  after  all,  but  a  portion 
of  that  full,  pulsating  life  of  a  people  which  manifests  itself 
in  the  entirety  of  their  civilization.  To  understand  literature 
one  must  take  into  account  not  only  the  resolves  and  inner- 
most strivings  of  the  intellectual  leaders  of  the  time,  but 
also  the  immediate  and  permanent  effect  of  their  work  upon 
the  life  of  the  people.  Nowhere  does  the  close  relationship 
between  literature  and  culture  present  itself  more  clearly 
than  in  the  great  intellectual  movements  which  weave,  like 
the  Earth  Spirit  in  Faust,  the  living  garment  of  Teutonic 
civilization.  The  present  monograph  is  an  attempt  to  trace 
one  of  these  mighty  though  little  noticed  movements,  which, 
starting  in  Germany  during  the  seventeenth  century,  sub- 
sequently, by  devious  ways,  returns  to  its  source. 

The  science  of  literature  should  strive  to  comprehend  and 
appreciate  human  life  both  present  and  past.  Moreover,  a 
general  and  live  appreciation  of  literature  is  essential  to 
progress  in  higher  civilization.  Or,  as  Carlyle  has  it,  "  to 
apprehend  the  beauty  of  poetry  clearly  and  wholly  to  acquire 
and  maintain  a  sense  and  heart  that  sees  and  worships  it,  is 
the  perfection  of  all  human  culture." 

America's  joint  heritage  of  English  and  German  culture 


132CG13 


iv  EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

would  seem  to  make  this  country  a  particularly  suitable  one 
in  which  to  study  sympathetically  and  broadly,  but  without 
national  bias,  English  and  German  literature  in  their  multi- 
ple and  complex  relations.  Certainly  it  is  in  this  field  of 
comparative  literature  that  American  scholarship  may  hope 
to  develop  independence  and  originality. 

J.  G. 


PREFACE 

THE  following  pages  contain  the  dissertation  offered  for 
the  doctorate  at  the  University  of  Illinois  in  June,  1912,  and 
the  results  of  the  work  accomplished  under  the  Illinois  Trav- 
eling Research  Fellowship,  1912-1913. 

Through  a  study  of  the  part  played  by  Gottfried  Arnold's 
Kirchen-  und  Ketserhistorie  in  Goethe's  intellectual  life, 
my  interest  in  mysticism  and  the  Neoplatonic  movement  was 
aroused.  I  found  that  in  the  mysticism  of  Goethe  I  was 
considering  only  one  slight  manifestation  of  a  tremendous 
world-power  reaching  far  into  all  the  spiritual  realms  open 
to  the  mind  and  heart  of  man.  The  conclusion  seemed 
forced  upon  me,  however,  that  the  grave  importance  of  the 
relation  of  the  Neoplatonic  movement  to  literature  had 
been  decidedly  overlooked  in  our  literary  histories,  both 
English  and  German.  Especially  did  it  seem  incompre- 
hensible that  a  mystic  who  had  such  ardent  admirers  and 
so  pronounced  a  following  as  did  Jakob  Boehme,  from  the 
time  of  the  first  appearance  of  his  writings  down  to  the 
new  edition  that  is  even  now  being  published,  should  have 
had  practically  no  accredited  influence  on  the  literary  life 
that  mirrored  the  great  spiritual  movements  rising  about 
the  time  of  his  activity. 

During  my  work  in  England,  I  found  that  the  relation- 
ship of  mysticism  and  literature  had  not  been  so  unnoted  as 
I  had  thought.  I  found  Miss  Spurgeon's  illuminating  chap- 
ter on  "  Law  and  the  Mystics  "  in  the  Cambridge  History  of 
English  Literature  (chap,  xii,  vol.  ix),  published  in  the 
autumn  of  1912.  Miss  Spurgeon  herself  called  my  atten- 


vi  PREFACE 

tion  to  her  Mysticism  in  English  Literature  just  as  it 
was  appearing  in  the  spring  of  1913,  for  which  I  wish  here 
to  thank  her,  as  also  for  several  very  kindly  suggestions. 
In  the  main,  however,  the  growing  interest  in  mysticism 
seems,  as  in  the  Studies  of  Mystical  Religion  by  Rufus  M. 
Jones,  1909,  and  Mysticism  by  Evelyn  Underhill,  1910, 
to  be  along  lines  of  religion,  psychology,  and  history,  rather 
than  of  literature.  A  systematic  treatment  of  the  connec- 
tion between  literature,  and  Neoplatonism  as  a  carrier  of 
mystical  thought,  has  not  yet  been  made.  It  seems  not  too 
bold  a  statement  to  make  that  we  have  here  a  most  remark- 
able instance  of  an  international  and  intellectual  relation- 
ship, an  eminently  worthy  subject  for  the  study  of  compara- 
tive literature. 

The  suggestion  of  a  relationship  between  Milton  and 
Boehme  was  made  by  Dr.  Julius  Goebel.  To  his  unfailing 
inspiration  and  guidance  I  owe  what  results  these  pages 
have  to  show. 

The  method  I  have  tried  to  follow  has  little  in  common 
with  the  old  method  of  careful  and  detailed  comparison  of 
the  works  of  each  author  for  possible  resemblances,  although 
some  such  comparison  must  of  course  be  used  as  a  checking 
up  of  any  other  method ;  it  is  rather  an  attempt  to  lay  hold 
of  the  spirit  of  the  time  that  produced  natures  so  sympa- 
thetic and  complementary  as  those  of  the  simple,  uneducated 
Gorlitz  shoemaker  and  the  cultured  man  of  the  world,  friend 
of  a  rising  republic.  This  method  may  best  be  characterized 
in  the  words  of  Dilthey :  "  It  is  the  comparative  method," 
he  says,  "  through  which  the  positive,  the  historical,  the 
distinctly  individual,  in  short,  the  individuation  itself  be- 
comes the  object  of  scientific  research.  Even  the  scientific 
determination  of  the  single  historical  event  can  be  com- 
pleted only  through  the  method  of  comparison  on  the  basis 


PREFACE  vii 

of  universal  history.  One  phenomenon  explains  another; 
taken  all  together,  all  phenomena  explain  each  individual. 
Since  the  far-reaching  results  arrived  at  by  Winckelmann, 
Schiller,  and  the  romanticists,  this  method  has  continually 
gained  in  fruitfulness.  It  is  a  scientific  procedure  that  was 
developed  from  the  comparative  methods  of  philology,  and 
then  transferred  to  the  study  of  mythology.  It  follows 
logically  that  every  systematic  mental  science  must,  in  the 
course  of  its  development,  sooner  or  later,  arrive  at  depend- 
ence upon  this  same  comparative  method." 

In  the  course  of  my  studies  in  England,  I  was  greatly 
indebted  to  courtesies  extended  by  officials  of  the  British 
Museum,  Dr.  Williams's  Library  (London),  the  Bodleian 
Library,  the  libraries  of  Queen's,  Christ  Church,  Worcester, 
and  Manchester  Colleges  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  the 
collections  of  Magdalene,  Trinity,  and  Peterhouse  of  the 
University  of  Cambridge,  and  the  Library  of  the  University 
of  Cambridge.  Particularly,  I  wish  to  thank  Champlin  Bur- 
rage,  M.A.,  B.Litt.,  librarian  of  Manchester  College,  Ox- 
ford, for  many  valuable  suggestions  and  Dr.  Frederick  W. 
C.  Lieder  of  Harvard  University  for  his  kind  assistance  in 
reading  proofs. 

M.  L.  B. 

January,  1914. 


CONTENTS 

[AFTER  PAGE 

EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION iii 

PREFACE v 

I.     INTRODUCTION i 

II.     ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME    .        .  31 

III.  BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND 57 

IV.  MILTON  AND  BOEHME 115 

V.     SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME 

IN  RELIGIOUS,  PHILOSOPHICAL,  AND  PO- 
LITICAL IDEAS 137 

VI.     ROMANTICISM 170 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 183 

INDEX 195 


INTRODUCTION 

To  speak  of  the  sources  or  influence  of  any  mystical  writer 
or  movement  seems  paradoxical  indeed,  in  view  of  the 
absolute  independence  and  separateness  of  every  individual 
mystical  experience.  Yet  a  certain  relationship  is  clearly 
discernible  among  the  exponents  of  purely  personal  religion ; 
their  tradition,  though  not  of  forms  and  ceremonies,  not 
bounded  by  the  ordinary  material  facts  of  religious  life,  is 
nevertheless  a  tradition.  They  are  not  isolated  phenomena, 
but  are  related  to  one  another.  The  truths  that  they  express 
can  never  age  nor  die.  Each  mystic,  original  though  he  be, 
receives  much  from  the  past;  each,  by  his  personal  experi- 
ence, enriches  the  heritage  and  hands  it  on  to  the  future. 
Thus  the  names  of  the  great  mystics  are  connected,  and 
around  them  may  be  grouped  historical  facts  of  religious 
progress. 

But  the  history  of  the  period  of  greatest  religious  changes 
in  England,  the  time  of  the  great  religious  revival  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  when  mysticism  was  most  dominant 
and  powerful  there,  is  not  a  history  mainly  of  a  few  tre- 
mendous personalities  extending  to  the  spiritual  sphere 
man's  conquest  over  his  universe,  but  rather  a  history  of 
an  epoch  when  certain  great  spiritual  ideas,  certain  far- 
reaching  mystical  truths,  struggled  for  expression  in  every 
realm  of  human  activity.  It  is  a  history,  not  so  much  of 
great  mystics,  as  of  very  many  mystically-minded  men  and 
women.  It  deals  with  a  mystical  atmosphere  which  many 


2  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

diverse  elements  united  in  producing,  expressed  by  a  very 
general  experience  of  religion  in  its  enthusiastic  form,  and 
running  the  gamut  of  experience  from  pure  mystical  ecstasy 
to  a  belief  in  magic,  from  regenerating  faith  in  the  Inner 
Light,  through  alchemy,  Rosicrucianism,  apocalyptic  proph- 
ecy and  other  aberrations  of  the  spiritual  sense. 

The  form  of  this  mysticism  is,  like  that  of  the  most  of 
Christian  Europe,  the  Neoplatonism  of  which  Plotinus  was 
the  greatest  exponent.  But  Neoplatonism  as  a  whole,  and 
the  mysticism  which  used  its  language,  must  not  be  identi- 
fied with  one  another.  We  find  pure  mysticism,  it  is  true, 
in  seventeenth-century  England.  But  we  also  find  a  wide- 
spread revival  of  Neoplatonism. 

Many  inconsistent  elements  united  to  form  the  semi- 
religious  philosophy  that  goes  by  the  name  of  Neoplatonism. 
Plotinus  (A.D.  205-^.270),  Egyptian  by  birth,  studied  in 
Alexandria  at  a  time  when  that  city  was  the  center  of 
the  intellectual  world.  He  was  a  determined  opponent  of 
Christianity.  The  form  of  his  thought  is  an  advanced 
Platonic  idealism,  combined  with  the  conception  of  emana- 
tion from  the  Hermetic  philosophy,  with  elements  from  the 
Mysteries  and  from  oriental  cults,  but  the  real  inspiration 
came  from  his  own  deep  mystical  experience  of  ecstatic 
union  with  "  the  One."  From  the  age  of  forty  he  taught 
in  Rome,  surrounded  by  eager  adherents.  Appearing  at  the 
moment  in  which  the  wreck  of  paganism  was  complete,  but 
before  Christianity  had  conquered  the  educated  world,  his 
system  made  a  strong  appeal  to  the  spiritually-minded,  and 
also  to  those  whose  hearts  thirsted  for  the  mysterious  and 
the  occult.  In  his  teaching  of  the  existence  of  an  Absolute 
God,  the  "  Unconditioned  One,"  not  external  to  anyone,  but 
present  in  all  things,  he  appealed  directly  to  the  mystical 
instincts  of  men,  and  to  those  living  at  the  time  of  the 


INTRODUCTION  3 

greatest  popularity  of  his  system  it  came  as  a  ready  means 
of  expressing  their  own  vision  of  Truth.  Hence  early  Euro- 
pean mysticism,  Christian  and  pagan  alike,  is  Neoplatonic. 

The  influence  of  Plotinus  upon  later  Christian  mysticism 
was  enormous,  though  mainly  indirect,  through  the  writings 
of  his  spiritual  descendants,  Proclus  (412-^.490),  the  last 
of  the  pagan  philosophers,  St.  Augustine  (354-430),  and 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  that  unknown  writer  of  the  early 
sixth  century,  probably  a  Syrian  monk,  who  chose  to  ascribe 
his  priceless  little  tracts  on  mystical  theology  to  Dionysius, 
the  friend  of  St.  Paul.  Through  these  men  the  powerful 
genius  of  Plotinus  nourished  the  spiritual  intuitions  of  men 
and  possessed,  even  into  the  seventeenth  century,  a  final  au- 
thority like  that  of  the  Bible  or  the  great  church  fathers. 
The  works  of  Dionysius  were  translated  from  Greek  into 
Latin,  about  850,  by  the  great  Irish  philosopher  and  theolo- 
gian, John  Scotus  Erigena,  one  of  the  scholars  of  Charle- 
magne's court.  In  this  form  they  widely  influenced  later 
medieval  mysticism. 

In  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  the  tradition  was 
carried  on  by  the  first  great  French  mystic,  St.  Bernard 
(1091-1153)  the  Abbot  of  Clairvaux,  and  by  the  Scotch  or 
Irish  Richard  of  St.  Victor  at  Paris;  in  Italy  by  St. 
Bonaventura  (1121-1274)  and  Thomas  Aquinas  (1226- 
1274),  all  close  students  of  Dionysius.1 

Under  the  influence  of  St.  Bernard,  Richard  of  St.  Victor, 
and  St.  Bonaventura,  the  torch  was  lighted  in  England  by 
Richard  Rolle  of  Hampole  (c.  1300-1349)  and  the  short  but 
brilliant  procession  of  English  mystics  began.  Rolle,  edu- 
cated at  Oxford,  and  widely  read  in  mystical  theology,  be- 
came a  hermit  in  order  to  live  the  mystic  life  to  which  he 

'See  Evelyn  Underbill:  Mysticism,  pp.  541-62,  for  historical 
sketch  of  European  mysticism. 


4  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

felt  himself  called.  His  writings  already  show  the  practical 
temper  destined  to  be  characteristic  of  the  English  school; 
his  interest  is  not  philosophy,  but  spiritual  life.  Similar 
devotional  treatises  of  practical  instruction  for  the  inner  life 
are  the  works  of  Walter  Hilton  (died  1396),  and  of  the 
unknown  author  of  The  Cloud  of  Unknowing,  who  pro- 
duced also  the  first  English  translation  of  Dionysius,  Dio- 
nise  Hid  Divinite,  and  the  beautiful  Revelations  of  Love 
of  Julian  Norwich  (1343-^.1413),  with  their  devotional 
exposition  of  the  mystical  steps  of  purification,  contempla- 
tion, and  ecstatic  union.  From  Julian  to  the  seventeenth 
century  there  is  practically  no  English  representative  of 
mystical  thought.  Spenser's  Hymns  (1596)  would  seem  to 
carry  on  the  tradition,  but  they  are  Platonic  rather  than 
mystical  and  curiously  informed  with  the  spirit  of  Puri- 
tanism. 

In  Germany,  the  spirit  of  Plotinus  lived  in  the  mystical 
genius  of  Meister  Eckhart  and  his  two  most  famous  dis- 
ciples, Tauler  and  Suso.  All  three  were  Dominican  friars, 
all  devout  followers  of  St.  Augustine  and  Dionysius,  St. 
Bernard  and  Aquinas;  all  lived  and  worked  in  or  near  the 
valley  of  the  Rhine.  Yet  the  contrast  between  the  three  is 
very  striking.  Eckhart  (1260-1329)  was  like  St.  Augustine 
and  Thomas  Aquinas  in  that  he  was  so  strong,  intellectually, 
that  his  mystical  power  is  in  danger  of  being  obscured.  He 
laid  at  once  the  foundation  of  German  philosophy  and  of 
German  mysticism.  His  pupil  John  Tauler  (c.  1300-1361), 
friar-preacher  of  Strassburg,  a  man  of  great  theological 
learning  and  mystical  genius  of  a  high  order,  was  a  born  mis- 
sionary, living  only  in  his  labor  to  awaken  men  to  a  knowl- 
edge of  their  transcendental  heritage.  His  breadth  of  hu- 
manity was  equaled  only  by  his  depth  of  spirituality.  Hein- 
rich  Suso  (c.  1300-1365),  famous  neither  for  his  metaphysi- 


INTRODUCTION  5 

cal  nor  for  his  humanistic  qualities,  was  a  subjective,  roman- 
tic mystic,  deeply  concerned  with  his  own  soul  and  his  per- 
sonal relation  to  God.  His  autobiography  seems  impelled 
less  by  a  desire  to  impart  his  doctrine  to  other  men  than  by 
the  essentially  human  impulse  to  leave  a  record  of  an  inti- 
mate personal  adventure. 

With  these  three  men  were  associated  less  known  person- 
alities, members  of  the  great  informal  mystical  society  of  the 
Friends  of  God,  which  sprang  into  being  in  Strassburg  and 
worked  courageously  for  the  regeneration  of  the  people  in 
a  time  of  corrupt  and  disordered  religious  life.  From  one 
of  these  unknown  workers  came  the  literary  jewel  of  the 
movement,  the  beautiful  little  treatise  known  as  the  Theo- 
logia  Germanica,  "  one  of  the  most  successful  of  many 
attempts  to  make  mystical  principles  available  for  common 
men." 

Directly  following  these  men  and  drawing  their  intellectual 
vigor  from  the  genius  of  Eckhart,  were  the  Flemish  mystics 
John  Ruysbroeck  (1293-1381),  in  whose  works  the  meta- 
physical and  personal  aspects  of  mystical  truths  attain  their 
highest  expression,  and  Thomas  a  Kempis  (1380-1471), 
called  "  another  Dionysius,  clear  where  the  Areopagite  is 
obscure,"  author  of  the  exquisite  Imitation  of  Christ 
(written  1400-1425).  Through  Kaspar  von  Schwenkfeld 
(1489-1561)  the  teachings  of  Eckhart  and  Tauler  reached 
the  people  at  a  time  when  the  fashion  of  sect  formation  and 
the  branding  of  heretics  was  nearing  its  height.  Through 
Sebastian  Franck  (1499-1542)  the  philosophical  basis  of 
those  same  teachings  was  assured. 

So  far,  we  have  been  dealing  only  with  the  mysticism  that 
has  come  down  to  us  in  the  language  and  traditions  of  Neo- 
platonism.  Several  great  mystics  have  been  omitted  from 
our  list ;  they  were  of  such  a  thoroughly  original  and  spon- 


6  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

taneous  character  that  they  owed  absolutely  nothing  to  the 
formative  influence  of  the  writings  of  their  predecessors. 
Other  men,  generally  spoken  of  as  mystics,  have  likewise 
been  omitted,  because  in  reality  they  belong  to  quite  a 
different  side  of  Neoplatonism.  Like  Porphyry  (233-304), 
they  inherited  only  the  philosophy  of  Plotinus.  Thus  it  came 
about  that  two  different  views  of  life  are  represented 
by  Neoplatonism,  views  radically  different,  yet  often  so 
similar  that  they  seem  to  merge,  for  they  often  use  the 
same  language,  instruments,  and  methods.  These  two  views 
represent  the  two  great  human  activities  corresponding  to 
the  two  eternal,  elemental  passions  of  the  self,  the  desire 
for  love  and  the  desire  for  knowledge,  the  hunger  of  the 
heart  and  the  hunger  of  the  intellect  for  absolute  truth. 

The  hunger  of  the  heart  is  expressed  by  mysticism, — not 
an  opinion  nor  a  philosophy,  not  a  pursuit  of  the  occult  and 
the  hidden,  but  first-hand  experience  and  knowledge  of  the 
ultimate  reality  underlying  all  appearance.  "  It  is  the  name 
of  that  organic  process  which  involves  the  perfect  consum- 
mation of  the  Love  of  God ;  the  achievement  here  and  now 
of  the  immortal  heritage  of  man,  the  art  of  establishing  his 
conscious  relationship  with  the  Absolute,"  a — in  other  words, 
the  experience  of  Plotinus,  Dionysius,  Tauler,  and  the  rest. 

For  that  other  type  of  character  in  which  the  desire  for- 
knowledge  dominates,  the  goal  of  ultimate  truth  means  like- 
wise a  knowledge  of  the  supersensible  world,  but  here  it  is 
a  knowledge  that  must  change  into  control.  To  this  the  early 
centuries  gave  the  name  of  magic.2  In  this  the  intense 

1  Evelyn  Underbill :  Mysticism,  p.  97. 

1  One  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  word  "  magic  "  as  now  generally 
used  has  quite  lost  its  original  flavor  and  connotation ;  love-philters 
and  conjuring  tricks  have  no  relation  to  the  serious  and  reverent  at- 
tempts of  bygone  centuries  to  come  into  possession  of  a  part  of  the 
power  of  the  Infinite. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

human  craving  for  hidden  knowledge  and  for  power,  the 
deep  interest  in  the  occult,  the  mysterious,  finds  a  place.  It 
is  the  intellectual,  aggressive,  and  scientific  temperament 
seeking  to  extend  its  field  of  consciousness  until  it  shall 
include  the  supersensual  world.  It  is  the  quest  for  a  power 
that  may  control  the  whole  universe.  Under  this  view,  a 
line  of  Neoplatonic  thought  progressed  that  culminated  a 
few  centuries  ago  in  what  we  now  call  modern  science. 
Organized  religion,  in  its  forms  and  ceremonies,  must  always 
show  traces  of  this  magic ;  modern  therapeutic  measures  de- 
manding faith  in  a  healer  or  a  heightened  power  of  the  will 
are  everyday  expressions  of  the  same  fundamental  concep- 
tion ;  and  all  of  the  sciences  owe  their  birth  to  this  magical 
way  of  regarding  the  relation  of  man  to  his  universe. 

This  intellectual  interest  in  Neoplatonism,  as  opposed  to 
the  mystical  intuition  of  it,  had  also  its  great  exponents.  Its 
period  of  influence  begins  with  the  founding  in  Florence  of  a 
Neoplatonic  academy.  Under  the  patronage  of  Cosimo  de 
Medici  (1389-1464),  Marsilius  Ficinus  (1433-1499)  made 
masterly  translations  of  Plato  and  of  Plotinus  and  various 
other  Neoplatonists.  He  interpreted  Plato  entirely  accord- 
ing to  the  spirit  of  Plotinus  and  consciously  attempted  to 
bring  their  philosophy  into  accord  with  Christian  doctrine. 
Ficinus  taught  that  the  divinity  of  the  soul  was  assured  by 
its  immeasurable  power  to  will  and  to  know;  fostered  and 
uplifted  by  religion  and  philosophy,  the  soul  should  ascend 
the  heights  of  knowledge  even  to  the  summit  of  divinity 
itself,  and  part  of  the  way  thereto  might  well  be  learned 
from  those  elements  of  Plotinus's  teachings  that  were  of 
Egyptian  origin,  from  the  writings  of  Hermes  Trismegistos, 
father  of  magic.  It  was  in  this  atmosphere  of  intellectual 
progress  of  the  academy  that  the  great  artists  of  the  Renais- 
sance lived  and  worked.  Although  later  the  academy  fell 


8  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

under  the  displeasure  of  the  church,  its  influence  continued 
increasingly. 

Pico  de  Mirandola  (1463-1494)  dedicated  his  life  to  the 
dissemination  of  these  principles.  Following  his  belief  that 
they  came  originally,  in  part  at  least,  from  the  Orient,  he 
made  a  study  of  oriental  languages,  and  to  the  teachings  of 
Plotinus  and  Hermes  added  the  kindred  ones  of  the  Ka- 
balah. 

This  was  the  first  introduction  to  the  Christian  world  of 
the  cabalistic  writings,  that  collection  of  supposedly  ancient 
Jewish  tradition  committed  to  writing  some  time  in  the 
second  century  of  our  era.  Here  again  we  meet  the  doc- 
trines, familiar  to  us  from  Neoplatonism,  of  the  emanation 
of  the  soul  from  God,  of  the  essential  harmony  of  all  things, 
of  the  archetypal  world  of  which  our  world  is  a  copy, — 
doctrines  that  lie  at  the  foundation  of  the  belief  in  magic, 
the  belief  in  a  spiritual  alchemy  powerful  to  effect  great 
changes  beneficial  to  the  life  of  man.  Significant  for  the 
progress  of  these  ideas  was  the  German  humanist  who  came 
under  the  influence  of  the  academy  at  Florence  and  returned 
home  to  carry  on  in  his  own  country  the  mission  of  Pico  de 
Mirandola.  This  was  Johann  Reuchlin  (1455-1522),  with 
his  writings  on  the  Kabalah  and  the  cabalistic  art. 

In  its  beginnings,  magic  appears  as  the  office,  or  art  and 
science  of  priests;  closely  related  to  the  art  of  healing  it 
was  naturally  considered  the  receptacle  of  hidden  wisdom, 
the  knowledge  of  higher,  of  supernatural  powers,  such  as 
spirits  sometimes  possess  and  sometimes  communicate  to  the 
favored  of  mankind  who  know  how  to  come  into  harmony 
with  the  forces  of  the  universe.  But  this  borrowing  of 
power  might  arise  from  either  a  good  or  an  evil  purpose, 
just  as  spirits  themselves  are  either  angels  or  devils,  servants 
of  light  or  servants  of  darkness.  Hence  the  distinction 


INTRODUCTION  9 

between  white  and  black  magic  that  Mirandola  felt  con- 
strained to  make.  "  One  of  the  chief  complaints  against 
me,"  he  says  in  his  Apology,1  "  is  that  I  am  a  magician. 
But  have  I  not  myself  differentiated  a  two-fold  magic  ?  One 
sort  which  founds  itself  entirely  upon  the  help  and  co- 
operation of  evil  spirits  and  most  decidedly  deserves  aver- 
sion and  punishment,  and  the  other  sort,  magic  in  its  true 
sense.  The  former  subjects  man  to  evil  spirits,  the  latter 
makes  him  their  conqueror;  the  former  should  be  called 
neither  an  art  nor  a  science ;  the  latter  embraces  the  deepest 
secrets,  the  investigation  and  knowledge  of  all  nature  and 
her  powers.  In  assembling  and  calling  forth  the  powers 
spread  by  God  throughout  the  universe,  true  magic  per- 
forms no  miracles  but  rather  comes  to  the  assistance  of 
Nature  in  her  activities ;  it  investigates  the  relations  or  sym- 
pathies of  all  things,  it  applies  to  each  thing  a  most  powerful 
attraction  and  thus  draws  from  the  deep  and  secret  treasure 
chamber  of  the  world  wonders  usually  hid  from  mortal 
view,  just  as  if  it  were  of  itself  the  originator  of  them.  Re- 
ligion teaches  us  the  contemplation  of  divine  wonders;  as 
we  learn  to  know  natural  magic  aright,  we  are  still  more 
compelled  to  say:  full  are  the  heavens,  full  is  the  earth  of 
the  majesty  of  Thy  Glory !  " 

But  the  powers  of  nature  and  of  man  that  were  the  legiti- 
mate object  of  the  researches  of  science,  that  is,  of  "  white 
magic,"  had  been  throughout  the  centuries  a  profound 
mystery,  a  matter  of  faith  and  foreboding,  and  whoever 
sought  to  learn  anything  of  them,  sought  also  to  keep  his 
acquirements  secret,  or  to  share  them  only  with  the  initiated. 
Some  men  purposely  shrouded  their  knowledge  in  obscurity 
in  order  to  appear  the  greater  and  wiser,  expressing  in 

'Quoted  on  p.  85,  Carriere:  Die  philosophische  Weltanschauung 
der  Reformationsseit. 


io  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

symbols  that  which  they  themselves  understood  only  par- 
tially, hiding  what  remained  hidden  from  them  because  their 
insight  and  experience  of  laws  and  relationships  was  in- 
complete. Thus  there  arose  a  tradition  of  knowledge  and 
powers  that  never  existed,  and  the  shady  side  of  magic, 
charlatanism  of  every  kind,  conscious  or  unconscious,  was 
protected.  The  philosopher's  stone,  originally  the  symbol 
of  that  power  beneficent  to  mankind  to  be  achieved  through 
union  with  the  divine  world-power,  came  more  and  more  to 
mean  merely  the  means  of  transmutation  of  baser  metals 
into  gold.  The  belief  in  astrology,  in  witchcraft,  in  every 
kind  of  divination  and  prophecy  flourished. 

Against  this  degradation  of  the  Neoplatonic  tradition, 
Cornelius  Agrippa  von  Nettesheim  (1487-1535)  labored, 
especially  in  his  last  and  ripest  work,  De  occulta  philo- 
sophia,  which  is  directed  toward  establishing  the  principles 
of  true  magic  against  the  superstitions  of  his  time.  But  like 
the  other  learned  men  of  his  time,  he  believed  in  the  possibil- 
ity of  the  material  philosopher's  stone,  the  goal  of  the  great 
medieval  alchemists,  Raimundus  Lullus  in  Spain,  Arnoldus 
Villanovanus  in  France,  Albertus  Magnus  and  Basilius 
Valentinus  in  Germany,  Bernhard  de  Trevigo  in  Italy,  and 
Roger  Bacon  in  England. 

The  man  who  gave  new  impetus  and  a  new  direction  to 
these  chemical  experiments  was  Theophrastus  Paracelsus 
von  Hohenheim  ( 1493-1541).  In  his  life  and  writings  some 
have  seen  so  much  that  is  wild  and  fantastic  that  they  reject 
him  as  a  mad  charlatan,  while  others  find  so  many  splendid 
observations  and  discoveries  by  which  the  science  of  later 
times  has  profited,  that  they  praise  him  as  a  purely  scien- 
tific reformer,  much  in  advance  of  his  age ;  both  forget,  how- 
ever, how  thoroughly  his  own  life,  adventurous  yet  heroic, 
represents  the  manifold  contradictory  character  of  the  life 


INTRODUCTION  1 1 

of  his  time,  full  of  inspired  beginnings,  yet  easily  running 
into  fanaticism.  Paracelsus  was  greatest  as  physician,  the 
servant  and  helper  of  nature,  great  also  as  philosopher  and 
chemist.  His  medical  system  was  founded  upon  philosophy, 
alchemy,  and  astronomy.  In  the  Bible  and  the  Kabalah 
he  found  the  key  to  all  secrets.  He  acknowledged  the  unity 
and  harmony  of  all  being,  for  God  is  the  foundation  in 
which,  all  things,  in  their  archetype,  exist ;  he  taught  the 
power  of  the  imagination  in  strengthening  the  will.  For 
him  the  philosopher's  stone  signified  a  reformed  and  regen- 
erated world.  The  alchemistic  hope  of  making  gold  from 
baser  metals  is  one  of  the  delusions  of  pretenders  against 
which  his  writings  sounded  a  constant  warning. 

The  warnings  of  Paracelsus  were  generally  misunderstood 
by  his  followers,  but  his  spirit  of  scientific  progress  finally 
found  a  congenial  home  in  Johann  Baptista  van  Helmont 
(1577-1644).  Here  the  mystical  and  magical  spirits  met, 
for  Helmont  had  been  deeply  inspired  by  the  writings  of 
Thomas  a  Kempis.  A  nobleman  by  birth,  he  very  early  gave 
up  position  and  property  to  follow  Christ ;  to  be  of  utmost 
help  in  the  world,  he  studied  medicine  and  thus  came  under 
the  influence  of  Paracelsus's  writings  with  which  he  allied 
himself  in  teaching  and  investigation.  In  one  important 
thing,  however,  he  differed  from  his  earthly  master — in  his 
belief  in  a  philosopher's  stone  by  which  quicksilver  could 
be  changed  to  gold.  His  son,  Mercurius  van  Helmont, 
we  shall  meet  later  in  England. 

All  of  these  many  demands  for  truth  and  knowledge,  for 
first-hand  experience  in  religion  and  science  alike,  were  to 
Luther  the  helpful  contribution  of  the  ages  in  his  struggle 
against  the  power  of  tradition.  But  with  Luther,  especially 
in  his  later  life,  the  influence  of  mysticism  was  far  from 
final.  He  became  at  once  the  conqueror  and  the  conquered ; 


12  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

although  he  freed  the  church  from  the  old  yoke  of  tradition, 
circumstances  compelled  him  to  subject  it  at  the  same  time 
to  the  new  yoke  of  the  interpretation  of  the  Gospel.  The 
need  of  inner  freedom  for  mankind  had  not  yet  been  satis- 
fied. 

To  that  end  the  work  of  Kaspar  von  Schwenkfeld 
(1489-1561)  was  directed.  Inspired  by  Tauler's  sermons  he 
eagerly  welcomed  Luther's  work  of  reform.  But  Luther's 
ideas  failed  to  keep  pace  with  Schwenkfeld's,  and  the  two 
men  became  absolutely  estranged.  The  followers  of 
Schwenkfeld  in  Wurtemberg  and  in  Silesia  finally  formed 
a  separate  sect  leading  very  devout,  retired  lives.  In  the 
seventeenth  century  they  merged  with  the  Boehmenists. 
Schwenkfeld  taught  that  Christ  gave  to  the  divine  likeness, 
hidden  within  mankind  since  the  beginning,  a  clear  mani- 
festation; that  the  Bible  or  external  word  bears  witness  to 
the  inner  word,  Christ,  the  Spirit  of  God,  within  each  human 
heart;  and  that  the  essence  of  true  belief  and  faith  is  con- 
sciousness of  the  Christ  within. 

Doctrines  similar  to  these  were  held  by  Sebastian  Franck 
(1499-1542),  who  sought  to  give  to  them  an  assured  philo- 
sophical basis  from  the  principles  of  Neoplatonism.  As 
humanist,  theologian,  and  historian,  he  was  himself  an 
epitome  of  the  different  elements  of  the  reformation  epoch 
in  its  teachings  of  freedom  in  every  realm.  Exile  and  perse- 
cution for  heretical  opinions  in  no  way  lessened  his  demand 
for  religious  toleration,  even  for  papists,  Jews,  and  Turks, 
or  made  him  less  steadfast  in  his  witness  for  the  "  inner 
light." 

This  spirit  of  mystical  theology  we  find  also  in  the  works 
of  Johann  Arndt  (1555-1621),  who  enjoyed  the  unusual 
reputation  of  completing  the  work  of  Luther  and  of  being 
a  heretic  as  well.  From  his  pastorate  in  Badeborn  in  Anhalt, 


INTRODUCTION  13 

he  was  dismissed,  1590,  for  objecting  to  Calvinistic  innova- 
tions in  the  Lutheran  church;  1618,  he  was  denounced  as  a 
heretic  by  Lutheran  church  officials.1  His  work  on  True 
Christianity  2  was  a  popular  treatise  like  Thomas  a  Kempis's 
Imitation  of  Christ,  upon  which,  with  the  addition  of  the 
sermons  of  Tauler  and  the  Theologia  Gcrmanica,  it  is 
founded.  Arndt  made  no  pretense  of  formulating  a  system 
of  theological  doctrine;  he  hoped  merely  to  give  rules  for 
active,  genuine  Christian  life  at  a  time  when  the  Lutheran 
church  was  overburdened  with  the  letter  rather  than  the 
spirit  of  the  law.  The  highest  good  of  life  is  a  feeling  of  the 
beauty  of  God.  There  are  three  steps  to  its  attainment :  re- 
pentance, enlightenment,  union  with  God  through  love. 
True  freedom  results  from  an  utter  denial  of  self,  the  giving 
up  of  will  and  all  desire.  The  preached  and  written  word 
of  God  has  authority  but  no  more  than  faith,  the  outgrowth 
of  the  inborn  "  inner  light." 

Another  supporter  of  mystical  Christianity  against  the 
dead  religious  life  of  his  time  was  known  in  Valentin  Weigel 
(I533-I588)>  an<3  particularly  after  his  writings  were  pub- 
lished and  spread  broadcast  in  1612.  Weigel  had  studied 
Platonic  philosophy  according  to  the  Neoplatonic  interpreta- 
tion of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  also  the  writings 
of  Dionysius  and  Erigena.  In  him  there  was  a  union  of  the 
two  traditions  of  the  search  for  truth ;  to  his  study  of  the 
older  mystics  and  to  their  teachings  as  transmitted  by 
Schwenkfeld  and  Sebastian  Franck,  he  added  the  study  of 
natural  sciences,  astrology,  alchemy,  and  magic,  from  the 
works  of  Agrippa  and  Paracelsus,  both  of  whom  were,  as  we 
have  seen,  indebted  to  the  Jewish  Kabalah.  It  is  thus  the 
reconciliation  of  a  two-fold  philosophy  that  we  find  ex- 

1  Arnold :  Kirchen-  und  Ketzerhistorie.  II,  p.  115. 
1  Book  I  published  1605;  that,  with  three  others,  1610. 


14  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

pressed  in  Weigel's  system :  all  facts  of  life  are  to  be  learned 
either  through  ardent  study  of  the  "  book  of  nature  "  or 
through  the  light  of  faith  in  a  "  still  Sabbath,"  that  is,  in 
the  absolute  tranquillity  of  soul  in  which  God  speaks  to 
men;  a  union  of  these  two  sources  of  wisdom  discloses 
all  secrets.  Since  man  is  the  microcosm,  a  knowledge  of 
self  is  the  key  to  the  knowledge  of  the  world.  The  reality 
of  all  knowledge  is  in  the  observer  or  subject;  the  object 
is  only  the  exciting  cause  of  knowledge.  But  God  is  both 
subject  and  object,  and  since  there  is,  inborn  within  us  all, 
the  spirit  or  "  inner  light "  from  Him,  we  can  know  Him 
and  all  things  as  well.  Weigel  taught  that  sin  is  any 
attempt  to  accomplish  anything  without  God;  that  cere- 
monies, good  perhaps  as  reminders  of  God,  are  in  them- 
selves useless.  He  believed  in  the  universal  priesthood  of 
man,  and  that  God's  prophets  are  simple  people,  not  the 
highly  educated.  False  prophets  are  those  who  preach  the 
righteousness  of  war,  or  who  denounce  as  heretics  any  with 
beliefs  differing  from  their  own.  By  no  means  has  church 
or  state  any  right  to  persecute  for  conscience'  sake.  It  was 
on  account  of  his  agreement  with  these  heterodox  views  that 
Arndt  was  called  a  "  Weigelianer "  and  driven  from  his 
church. 

The  similarity  of  Weigel's  teachings  and  those  of  the 
Anabaptists  is  very  striking;  they  practiced  his  theoretical 
demands  for  moral  and  political  reform.  The  freedom  that 
Luther  had  demanded  in  the  spiritual  realm,  Karlstadt  and 
Miinzer  and  their  followers  were  demanding  in  the  social 
and  political  realm.  Karlstadt  rejected  the  sacraments, 
teaching  that  faith  itself  is  a  power  of  God  through  which 
He  speaks  directly  to  the  soul ;  by  realizing  itself,  the  soul 
knows  God.  Miinzer  was  a  devout  student  of  Tauler,  also 


INTRODUCTION  15 

deeply  affected  by  the  prevailing  belief  in  the  immediately 
approaching  millennium. 

We  cannot  here  go  into  the  history  of  the  extravagances 
and  final  destruction  of  many  Anabaptists,  as  the  followers 
of  these  men  were  generally  called  from  their  insistence 
upon  adult  rather  than  infant  baptism.  Failing  as  a  social 
and  political  force,  the  movement  lived  on  as  a  form  of 
religious  belief,  which,  founded  wholly  on  inspiration  as  it 
was,  naturally  gave  rise  to  many  sects.  Once  started,  in- 
spiration could  not  be  controlled.  In  the  main,  however, 
according  to  one  of  their  orthodox  opponents,1  the  various 
sects  agreed  to  the  following  doctrines :  they  rely  upon  inner 
illumination,  believing  that  God  dwells  bodily  within  them ; 
reject  the  preaching  of  the  word  of  God  and  disregard  the 
final  authority  of  the  Scriptures ;  believe  in  "  calmest  tran- 
quillity "  and  ecstasy,  in  the  manifestation  of  God  in  dreams 
and  visions  and  in  nature ;  reject  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity, 
the  work  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  men  through  the  sacraments, 
the  need  of  an  atonement  through  Christ;  and  teach  the 
three-fold  nature  of  man, — body,  soul,  and  spirit. 

In  other  writings  of  the  time  more  even  than  in  those  of 
Arndt  and  Weigel,  we  find  expressed  this  general  feeling  of 
the  age,  widespread  among  Protestant  theologians  and  men 
of  culture  and  education,  that  the  Protestant  reformation 
had  failed.2  Why  is  it,  they  asked,  if  Protestantism  is  pro- 
gressing toward  the  goal  set  for  it  by  the  devout  founders, 
why  is  it  that  men  are  becoming  less  devout,  less  moral  in 
public  and  private  life,  less  cultured  even?  Why  is  it  that 
instead  of  one  pope  there  have  arisen  in  Germany  many 
small  popes?  These  men  complained  of  a  theology  con- 

'Colberg:  Das  Platonisch-Hermetische  Christentum,  I,  pp.  332- 
34- 
'  Opel :  Valentin  Weigel,  p.  283. 


1 6  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

cerned  mainly  with  doctrinal  controversy,  of  a  literature  not 
remotely  comparable  to  that  of  Luther's  time,  of  the  need, 
in  fact,  of  a  thorough  reformation  of  all  relations  in  state, 
church,  and  society.  According  to  the  Fama  Fraterni- 
tatis,1  the  only  hope  for  improvement  was  in  the  com- 
bined activity  of  closely  united  like-minded  men.  This 
strange  mystical  writing,  half  fairy  story,  half  sermon,  was 
absolutely  congenial  to  the  spirit  of  this  anxious,  fear- 
ful, yet  hopeful  time ;  it  was  full  of  ideas  of  fraternity  and 
reform,  of  hopes  for  a  greater  unity  among  men,  of  a  higher 
outlook  to  relieve  the  oppressed  spirit,  and,  best  of  all,  hope 
for  the  near  future.2  The  Confessio  Fratermtatis  R.  C. 
ad  eruditos  Europae,  1615,  continues  the  story  and  style  of 
the  Christian  Rosenkreuz  of  the  first  writing,  supposed 
founder  of  the  order,  and  gives  the  rules  and  history  of  the 
society  and  its  plans  for  the  general  reformation  of  church 
and  state.  It  is  true  that  these  men  believe  in  the  possibility 
of  producing  wealth  by  means  of  the  philosopher's  stone, 
but  they  scorn  such  work  in  the  light  of  their  real  task  of 
redeeming  mankind  through  true  religion.  The  whole  Rosi- 
crucian  story  is  important  as  showing  the  feeling  of  the  time, 
a  decided  interest  in  natural  philosophy,  the  beginnings  of 
science,  along  with  a  strong  desire  for  religious  freedom  and 
a  true  inner  spiritual  life. 

A  flood  of  Rosicrucian  writings  followed  the  Fama  and 

'Allgemeine  und  General  Reformation  der  gantzen  weiten  Welt. 
Beneben  der  Fama  Fraternitatis,  dess  Loblichen  Ordens  des  Rosen- 
kreutzes,  an  alle  Gelehrte  und  Haupter  Europas  geschrieben,  1614. 

7  Opel,  p.  288:  "Das  Jahrhundert  ist  erschienen,  in  welchem  man 
das,  was  man  vor  Zeiten  nur  geahnt  hat,  endlich  einmal  aussprechen 
muss,  wenn  die  Welt,  die  aus  dem  Kelche  des  Gifts  und  Schlummers 
empfangene  Vollerei  ausgeschlafen  haben  und  der  neu  aufgehenden 
Sonne  mit  eroffnetem  Herzen,  entblosstem  Haupte,  und  nackten 
Fiissen  frohlich  und  freudig  entgegen  gehen  wird." 


INTRODUCTION  17 

the  Confessio  and  immediately  the  name  "  Rosen- 
kreuzer  "  was  assumed  by  a  host  of  pretended  alchemists 
and  swindlers  of  the  time  who  were  taking  advantage  of  the 
general  interest  in  alchemy  and  belief  in  magic  which  ac- 
companied the  early  study  of  the  natural  sciences.  The  third 
and  last  of  the  original  Rosicrucian  documents  was  the 
Chymische  Hochseit  Christiani  Rosenkreutz,  1616.  This 
was  written  by  Johann  Valentin  Andreae  as  early  as  1602  or 
1603  and  helps  to  substantiate  the  now  undoubted  fact  of 
Andreae's  authorship 1  of  the  anonymous  Fama  and 
Confessio.  It  may  also  have  been  circulated  in  manu- 
script before  1616,  as  was  the  Fama  as  early  as  i6io.2 
The  spread  of  their  writings  in  manuscript  was  the  com- 
mon custom  of  the  mystics  and  theosophical  writers  of  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.8  The  Hochseit  is 
more  distinctly  satirical  than  the  other  two;  concerning  it, 
Andreae  said  later  that  he  had  been  carrying  on  a  joke  at 
the  expense  of  the  adventurous  spirits  of  his  time.*  Pos- 
sibly it  was  published  only  after  the  effects  of  the  other  two 
had  been  seen.  The  frequent  use  of  the  word  "  curiosus  " 
marks  the  fad  of  the  time,  the  pompous  delving  into  secret 
and  magical  arts.  The  Hochseit  really  warns  against  the 
gold-making  promises  of  alchemy  and  the  magical  teachings 
that  promise  a  universal  panacea.5  When  Andreae  became 
aware  that  his  joke  was  being  taken  seriously,  that  the 
whole  world  was  hunting  for  this  non-existent  secret  order 
behind  which  all  sorts  of  impostors  were  hiding,  he  showed 
the  real  underlying  serious  import  of  the  whole  Rosicrucian 

1  Opel,  p.  288. 

1  Begcmann :  Monatshefte  der  Comfnius  Gesellschaft,  VIII,  p.  165 ; 
Opel,  p.  288;  Arnold.  I,  p.  1118;  Hauck :  Rosenkreuser. 
'  Schneider :  Die  Freimaurerei,  p.  87. 
4  Schneider,  p.  96. 
*  Hauck :  Rosenkreuzer. 


18  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

idea,  of  which  the  Hochzeit  had  been  only  a  too  youthful 
expression,  in  his  Invitatio  fraternitatis  Christi  ad 
amoris  candidates,  1617.  This  invitation  to  all  high-minded 
men  to  form  a  Christian  society  or  brotherhood  could  not  be 
accepted,  however,  by  reason  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War. 

Andreae  (1586-1654)  was  undoubtedly  one- of  the  im- 
portant men  of  the  seventeenth  century.  He  might  have 
been  noted  alone  as  traveler,  linguist,  educator,  theologian, 
or  author.  In  his  many  friendships  his  many-sided  spirit 
might  be  traced ;  to  his  inner  circle  he  admitted  not  only 
such  men  as  Arndt  and  Bernegger,  Leibniz  and  Comenius, 
but  men  of  high  rank  and  members  of  humble  guilds  as  well. 
His  deep  piety  and  moral  earnestness  are  shown  when,  in  his 
Menippus,  1617,  he  holds  the  mirror  up  to  the  abuses  of 
his  time,  or  when,  in  his  Reipublicac  Christiana  politanae 
descriptio,  1619,  dedicated  to  Johann  Arndt,  he  expresses 
his  true  "  Rosicrucian  "  plan  in  his  description  of  the  ideal 
Christian  state  and  his  suggestion  of  a  world  reform,  or 
when  he  attempts  to  reform  the  church  along  lines  of  practi- 
cal devotion  and  obedience  to  the  "  inner  light."  Although  a 
true  Lutheran,  Andreae  was  deeply  impressed  with  the  stern 
morality  of  the  Calvinists,  while  utterly  repudiating  their 
teaching  of  predestination.  He  was  vastly  in  advance  of 
his  age  in  favoring  sects  wherever  their  teachings  seemed 
better  than  those  of  his  own  church. 

In  speaking  of  Andreae  as  theologian  or  educator,  or  as 
author  of  the  Rosicrucian  documents,  we  have  not  touched 
upon  his  real  importance  in  this  discussion  of  the  spread  and 
development  of  Neoplatonic  doctrines.  For  that  we  must 
retrace  our  steps  to  the  time  of  Marsilius  Ficinus. 

The  Renaissance  saw  the  establishment  in  Italy  of  many 
Neoplatonic  academies  or  free  societies,  following  the  ex- 
ample given  by  Ficinus  and  the  Medici  in  1440.  The  ideal 


INTRODUCTION  19 

of  the  academies  was  not  so  much  the  increase  of  knowledge 
of  the  Greek  language  and  literature,  as  the  spread  of  a 
belief  in  the  oneness  of  all  mankind  with  the  universe,  an  art 
of  living  rather  than  a  system  of  thought,1  based  on  the 
teachings  of  Christ  and  Plotinus.  The  church  feared  a 
dangerous  rival  in  these  teachers  of  humanity;  the  members 
of  the  academies  were  branded  as  heretics  and  the  academies 
suppressed.  The  ideas,  however,  did  not  die.  The  strong 
opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Lutheran  church  since  1525, 
and  then  of  the  Catholic  church  during  the  counter-reforma- 
tion, was  offset  in  part  by  the  toleration  assured  in  the 
Netherlands  after  the  beginning  in  1568  of  the  struggle  for 
freedom  against  the  Spanish  world-power.  Under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Dukes  of  Orange,  the  ideas  of  humanism  came 
forth  again,  to  gain  still  greater  freedom  in  England  under 
Cromwell,  until  the  ideal  of  these  humanists  became  identical 
with  that  of  Cromwell,  to  make  of  England  the  protector  of 
all  Protestant  nations  until  the  time  of  the  world-wide  rule 
of  Protestantism  should  come.2 

In  Italy,  the  original  acadamies  of  the  fifteenth  century 
which  had  died  out  or  been  suppressed,  were  succeeded  in 
the  sixteenth  century  by  many  institutions  of  the  same  kind, 
in  places  where  they  had  once  been  suppressed  as  well 
as  in  other  places.  By  1640  the  fashion  of  founding 
these  societies  of  voluntary  membership,  distinct  from 
universities  and  schools,  had  reached  its  height.  Masson  3 
speaks  of  some  that  were  then  "  mere  fraternities  of  young 
men,  dubbing  themselves  collectively  by  some  fantastic  or 
humorous  designation,  and  meeting  in  each  other's  rooms,  or 
in  gardens,  to  read,  recite,  debate.  Others,  with  names  either 

'Keller:  Geistige  Grundlagen  der  Freimaurerei,  p.  15. 
1  Weingarten  :  Die  Revolutionskirchcn  Englands,  p.  157. 
*  Life  of  Milton,  I,  pp.  604-10. 


2O  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

grave  or  fantastic,  had,  by  length  of  time  and  a  succession  of 
eminent  members  become  public,  and  in  a  sense,  national 
institutions.  Among  the  most  illustrious  at  this  time  were, 
in  Florence,  the  Accademia  Fiorentina,  1540,  and  the  Acca- 
demia  della  Crusca,  founded  by  seceders  from  the  first;  in 
Rome,  the  Accademia  Amoristi.  .  .  ." 

In  Germany,  Prince  Ludwig  of  Anhalt,  with  others  who 
had  been  in  Italy,  founded  in  1617  an  academy  on  the  model 
of  the  Accademia  della  Crusca,  of  which  he  had  been  a  mem- 
ber since  i6oo.1  This  "  fruchtbringende  Gesellschaft,"  the 
Akademie  zum  Palmbaum,  became  the  parent  of  many  simi- 
lar German  academies,  such  as  the  "  Aufrichtige  Gesellschaft 
von  der  Tanne,"  the  "  Gesellschaft  von  den  drei  Rosen,"  the 
Pegnitz  society,  the  Academia  Indissolubilis.  Very  little 
was  generally  known  regarding  these  societies.  Their  real 
names,  the  fact  of  their  origin  in  Italy,  and  their  purpose 
were  kept  secret;  they  announced  as  their  program  the 
cherishing  of  praiseworthy  virtue  and  the  knowledge  of  the 
mother-tongue. 

Another  of  the  Germans  whose  life  had  received  new 
inspiration  from  his  Italian  journey  was  Johann  Valentin 
Andreae.  His  plans  for  the  furtherance  of  true  Christianity 
in  the  spirit  of  Johann  Arndt  and  his  Four  Books  of  True 
Christianity,  for  the  increase  of  true  philosophy  and  science 
and  for  the  carrying  out  of  these  designs  by  means  of  a 
brotherhood  of  like-minded  men,  took  form  under  the  seri- 
ous purpose  of  the  youthful  Rosicrucian  writings,  which  he 
now  ridiculed  and  opposed.  Only  those  men  blinded  by  a 
too  powerful  interest  in  wresting  the  secrets  from  nature 
would  have  overlooked  in  the  Fama  Fraternitatis  the 
call  for  a  world  reformation  in  religion  and  education,  for 
a  union  of  all  confessions  and  a  cessation  of  quarrels  in  the 
1  Monatshefte  der  Comcnius  Gesellschaft,  IV,  p.  n. 


INTRODUCTION  21 

name  of  religion,  for  an  understanding  that  truth  may  well 
belong  simultaneously  and  under  varying  aspects  to  all  na- 
tions,— in  a  word,  the  demand  for  toleration.  In  his  later 
writings  directed  toward  the  formation  of  a  Christian 
brotherhood  for  philosophical  and  scientific  research, 
Andreae  brought  forward  these  same  serious  considerations, 
considerations  which  men  like  Robert  Fludd  very  largely 
overlooked  in  their  interest  in  defending  the  Rosicrucian 
fraternity  (nicknamed  by  Andreae  the  "  invisible  brothers  ") 
because  they  were  led  astray  by  the  too  appealing  alchemical 
promises  of  Prater  Rosenkreuz.  Andreae's  plan  came  from 
the  "  living  conviction  that  the  strength  of  the  individual 
was  insufficient,  under  the  too  generally  prevalent  conditions 
of  decline  in  every  realm  of  human  activity,  and  that  since 
a  rescue  from  the  scientific,  moral,  and  religious  barbarism 
of  the  time  must  be  sought  it  could  only  be  found  in  the 
union  of  men  who,  animated  by  like  Christian  zeal,  might  in 
many  different  localities  at  the  same  time,  fan  the  holy 
flame  of  faith,  of  love,  and  of  knowledge  and  in  their  en- 
deavor be  ever  strengthened  by  the  consciousness  of  a 
great  and  united  striving  toward  these  noble  ends."  To 
this  group  of  Andreae's  writings  belong  Invitatio  fra- 
ternitatis  Christi  ad  amoris  candidates,  part  one  1617, 
part  two  1618;  Christianae  societatis  idea  and  Christi- 
ani  amoris  dextra  porrecta,  1620.  This  society  of  scholars 
and  Christians  called  at  first  "  Civitas  solis,"  then  "  Societas 
Christiana "  or  "  Unio  Christiana,"  for  which  many  of 
Andreae's  friends  were  ready,  was  not  organized  because 
these  friends  were  separated  and  scattered  by  the  Thirty 
Years'  War.  This  destruction  of  his  hopes,  Andreae 
laments  in  a  letter  to  Comenius,  1629,  expressing  his 
real  purpose  in  the  following  words :  "  Our  aim  was  to 
restore  Christ  to  his  proper  place  and  to  combat  the  idols 


22  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

of  science  and  religion." l  Among  these  friends  of 
Andreae's  were  many  whom  we  find  later  in  other  human- 
istic societies :  Wilhelm  von  der  Wense  and  Tobias  Adami, 
pupils  of  Campanella,  Johann  Kepler,  discoverer  of  the  laws 
of  planetary  motion,  Matthias  Bernegger,  Joachim  Jungius, 
Theodor  Haak,  Samuel  Hartlib,  John  Dury,  and  Comenius. 
That  these  various  societies  had  deeper  motives  than 
those  generally  ascribed  to  them  is  certain.  The  Italian 
academies,  after  the  pattern  of  which  the  "  Order  of  the 
Palm  "  was  founded,  must  have  been,  to  a  certain  extent  at 
least,  secret  societies,  since  neither  their  organization,  their 
symbolism,  their  forms,  nor  the  list  of  membership  was  com- 
municated to  outsiders,  and  their  real  aims  were  concealed 
while  publicity  was  given  to  purposes  of  a  genuinely  innocent 
and  popular  nature.2  That  the  German  organizations  were 
not  the  mere  language  societies  they  were  generally  con- 
sidered is  apparent  when  we  look  at  the  activities  of  their 
members.  They  emphasized  the  study  of  the  mother-tongue, 
it  is  true,  but  there  was  hardly  a  writer  among  them  who  was 
not  also  interested  in  the  study  of  natural  philosophy,  in 
religion,  in  mathematics  or  astronomy,  so  much  so,  in  fact, 
that  to  most  of  them  clung  the  suspicion  of  heresy — that 
they  were  Rosicrucians  and  as  such  members  of  a  religious 
sect  highly  dangerous  to  the  church  and  liable  of  course  to 
persecution.  Members  of  the  seventeenth-century  academies 
were  natural  philosophers,  reformers,  theologians,  educators, 
statesmen,  poets,  noblemen;  such  members  there  were,  as 
Bacon,  Giordano  Bruno,  Comenius,  Robert  Boyle,  J.  B.  van 
Helmont,  Campanella,  Hugo  Grotius,  Leibniz,  Oxenstierna, 
Valentin  Andreae,  Spanheim,  Pufendorf,  Opitz.3  Through- 

1  Guhrauer:  Joachim  Jungius  und  sein  Zeitalter,  p.  64. 
1 M.  C.  G.,  IV,  p.  26. 
•M.  C.  G.,  XIV,  p.  122. 


INTRODUCTION  23 

out  the  whole  list  of  membership  there  runs  a  line  of  spirit- 
ual relationship  in  the  fact  of  their  tolerance  for  the  beliefs 
of  others,  a  tolerance  remarkable  for  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. With  this  they  united  strict  opposition  to  the  scholastic 
method.  They  were  seriously  religious,  even  to  the  extent 
of  being  mystics,  but  they  understood  the  essence  of  Chris- 
tianity differently  from  the  ruling  dogma.  They  treat 
not  only  of  the  relation  of  man  to  God,  but  of  man 
to  nature  and  of  men  to  each  other.  For  them  a 
knowledge  incapable  of  helping  mankind  had  no  value; 
a  science  shut  off  from  the  people  in  its  language  is 
useless;  hence  their  emphasis  of  the  vernacular.  To  make 
all  knowledge  fruitful  for  the  education  of  the  human  race 
and  thus  lead  the  race  on  to  a  higher  stage  of  development 
was  one  of  their  great  ideals.  Their  turn  for  the  practical 
led  them  on  in  their  striving  for  a  general  reformation  of 
the  whole  world.  With  their  keen  sense  of  the  significance 
of  fraternal  organization,  they  formed  unions  which  were 
intended  to  benefit  the  whole  man  and  his  whole  mode  of 
thinking,  to  influence  his  whole  life.  Their  activities  were 
in  no  way  directed,  as  has  been  claimed,  toward  "childish 
play  with  symbols  and  signs  but  toward  inclusive  spiritual, 
religious,  philosophical,  and  scientific  aims,"  *  the  carrying 
out  of  which,  in  those  times,  could  be  accomplished  only  un- 
der secret  organization.  The  difficulties  under  which  they 
labored  compelled  them  to  proceed  with  extreme  caution, 
concealing  their  real  interests  and  exhibiting  to  the  world 
only  what  they  considered  secondary.  When  the  time  and 
place  is  more  propitious  for  a  franker  carrying  out  of  their 
plans  and  purposes  of  reform,  we  shall  find  them  in  a 
country  of  larger  opportunity;  we  shall  find  them  in  Eng- 
land. 

1  M.  C.  G.,  XVI,  p.  234.    Sec  also  IV,  pp.  26,  29. 


24  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

In  the  meantime  we  must  go  back  to  the  beginning  of  a 
new  power,  that  is,  to  the  renewal  of  the  same  old  power 
under  the  guise  of  a  new  prophet  in  whose  teachings  the 
desire  for  reform,  educational,  ecclesiastical,  political,  min- 
gled with  the  highest  form  of  mystical  religious  thought, 
— the  form  in  which  Neoplatonism  gained  an  expression  in 
which  its  influence  has  reached  the  religion  and  literature,  the 
science  and  philosophy  of  even  modern  times.  This  was  in 
the  writings  of  that  giant  of  mysticism,  the  "  inspired  shoe- 
maker" Jakob  Boehme  (1575-1624),  or  Behmen,  as  he  has 
generally  been  called  in  England. 

In  his  own  day,  Boehme  was  called  by  some  "  the  Teu- 
tonic philosopher  "  or  Teutonicus.  A  philosopher  he  must 
have  been,  for  "  from  however  many  different  standpoints 
after  him  the  totality  of  things  was  viewed  and  whatever 
principles  of  knowledge  were  discovered,  he  had  indicated 
them  one  and  all."  x  Yet  he  was  only  an  illiterate  and  un- 
trained peasant, — a  peasant,  however,  who  was  gifted  with 
a  most  marvelous  and  astonishing  genius  for  the  transcend- 
ent. He  was  born  near  the  Bohemian  frontier  at  Alt-Seiden- 
berg  near  Gorlitz.  He  had  a  little  instruction  in  reading, 
writing,  and  religion  at  the  village  school.  As  a  child  he  was 
quiet  and  thoughtful,  living  in  imagination  in  a  world  of 
German  goblins  and  fairies.  Wonderful  visions  came  to  him, 
to  his  excited  fancy  taking  the  form  of  external  occurrences ; 
such  was  doubtless  his  experience,  during  his  apprenticeship 
to  a  shoemaker,  of  talking  with  the  stranger  who  predicted 
his  future  greatness  and  sufferings.  Dismissed  on  account 
of  his  gentle,  yet  too  insistent  piety,  he  finished  his  training 
under  various  masters.  On  his  wanderings  he  observed  with 
sadness  the  enmity  existing  between  churches  and  even  with- 
in the  church  itself.  He  read  religious  and  astrological  books, 

1  Carriere,  I,  p.  310. 


INTRODUCTION  25 

works  by  Schwenkfeld  and  Sebastian  Franck,  Paracelsus  and 
Weigel  among  others,  and  prayed  ardently  for  an  indwelling 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  In  due  time  he  became  master-shoe- 
maker and  married  in  Gorlitz.  Outwardly,  he  lived  a  quiet, 
hard-working  life ;  inwardly,  he  lived  in  a  glory  of  illumina- 
tion and  revelation.  The  mysteries  revealed  to  him  he  tried 
to  explain,  but  he  had  no  trained  medium  of  expression. 
He  must  ever  be  rediscovered  and  reinterpreted. 

At  critical  times  in  history,  at  times  of  greatness  in 
science,  art,  and  moral  actions,  forces  that  are  working 
generally  among  men  break  forth  powerfully  and  suddenly 
in  the  case  of  individuals.  The  form  and  content  of  the 
experience  is  largely  dependent  upon  the  character  of  the 
individual,  yet  so  opposed  is  it  to  the  usual  experience  of  his 
ordinary  life,  that  he  is  almost  forced  to  regard  it  objec- 
tively, as  if  it  were  happening  to  another ;  it  bursts  without 
reflection  from  the  depths  of  the  soul,  and  seems  like  a  gift 
from  on  high.  Such  enthusiasm  of  knowledge  or  creation 
appearing  suddenly,  especially  to  an  unprepared  person,  re- 
sults in  a  condition  often  passing  into  ecstasy ;  it  utterly  over- 
whelms the  body  as  Plotinus  explains,  to  whom  the  experi- 
ence came  as  it  did  to  St.  Paul,  and  as  it  has  to  many  another 
mystic.  Such  insight  into  nature  and  God  came  likewise  to 
Boehme.  After  his  third  experience  of  this  sort,  he  began 
to  write  Die  Morgenrothe  im  Aufgang,  simply  for  him- 
self as  a  memorial.  Once  known  in  manuscript,  under  the 
name  Aurora  given  to  it  by  a  friend,  this  book  raised 
bitterest  opposition  among  the  clergy;  at  the  same  time  it 
won  friends  among  scientists  and  philosophers  who  encour- 
aged him  to  continue  writing.  With  training  in  self-expres- 
sion and  an  environment  of  encouragement  instead  of  con- 
tinued persecution,  Boehme  might  have  been  the  very  man 
fitted  to  complete-  Luther's  half-finished  work  of  church- 


26  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

reformation  and  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between 
science  and  faith,  such  as  we  are  still  lacking  in  our  day. 

The  Aurora  was  never  finished.  It  would  doubtless 
never  have  been  a  clear  statement  of  Boehme's  system.  That 
comes  out  much  more  clearly  in  his  later  works.  He  be- 
lieved, with  all  mystics,  in  the  ultimate  unity  of  the  nature 
of  God  and  all  things,  but  he  emphasized  particularly  the 
characteristics  of  trinity  in  this  unity,  which  comes  from 
his  fundamental  assertion  that  all  manifestation  necessitates 
opposition.  This  law  of  opposition  is  uniform  throughout 
all  existence,  physical  and  spiritual  alike.  He  also  insists 
upon  the  doctrine  of  rebirth,  which  the  earlier  German 
mystics  had  loved,  the  regeneration  or  being  born  in  God, 
which  is  a  consciousness  of  the  "  inner  light." 

Boehme  starts  with  the  Godhead,  the  abyss  out  of  which 
all  being  issues;  it  is  the  primordial  condition  of  all  being 
and  therefore  without  substance,  natures,  or  qualities;  the 
eternal  silence,  the  All  and  the  No-thing;  neither  darkness 
nor  light;  manifest  to  none,  not  even  to  Himself.  This 
principle  of  all  things,  the  divine,  unlimited,  indivisible  ex- 
istence or  ultimate  unity,  in  its  desire  for  self-expression  or 
manifestation,  includes  within  itself  the  Trinity:  Love  and 
the  desire  of  love  as  the  3on,  and  the  expression  of  this 
love,  the  Holy  Spirit.  According  to  the  law  of  opposition, 
when  God,  the  triune  principle  or  Will  under  three  aspects, 
desires  to  become  manifest,  the  Will  appears  as  two  ele- 
ments, affirmative  and  negative.  An  eternal  contrast  is  thus 
discovered  in  God's  own  hidden  nature.  But  the  leveling 
and  merging,  the  equalization  and  assimilation  of  the  con- 
trast must  follow.  However,  we  are  never  to  consider  this 
trinity  of  the  opposing  wills  and  their  struggle  as  a  temporal 
process;  Boehme  repeatedly  warns  us  that,  on  account  of 
human  weakness,  he  must  describe  as  ar  time-process  that 


INTRODUCTION  27 

which  is  eternal,  and  place  side  by  side  things  which  are  in 
reality  interdependent  and  joined  with  one  another  in  perfect 
unity. 

This  contrariety  upon  which  the  self-manifestation  of 
God  depends  Boehme  takes  from  the  scriptural  divine  ele- 
ments of  Love  and  Wrath.  All  further  development  and 
creation  result  from  this  contrariety.  Thus  the  object  of 
all  manifested  nature  is  to  follow  the  path  of  the  assimila- 
tion of  the  two  opposing  wills,  the  transforming  of  the 
"  No  "  into  the  "  Yes."  This  is  brought  about  by  seven 
organizing  spirits  or  forms.  The  first  three  of  these,  rep- 
resenting God's  wrath,  bring  nature  out  of  Chaos  and 
darkness  to  the  point  where  contact  with  light  is  possible. 
Boehme  calls  them  harshness,  attraction,  and  anguish;  in 
modern  terms,  contraction,  expansion,  and  rotation.  The 
first  two  are  absolutely  antagonistic  forces;  brought 
into  collision,  they  form  an  endless  whirling  movement. 
They  represent,  in  fact,  the  three  laws  of  motion,  centri- 
petal and  centrifugal  force  resulting  in  rotation.  They  are 
the  basis  of  the  manifestation  of  nature,  the  power  of  God 
without  the  love.  The  last  three  of  the  seven  organizing 
spirits  represent  God's  love.  Boehme  calls  them  light  or 
love,  sound  and  substance.  They  are  spiritual  forces  and  in 
them  contraction,  expansion,  and  rotation  are  repeated  on 
a  different  plane.  The  first  three  forms  give  the  material 
or  strength  of  being,  the  last  three,  the  quality;  while  the 
central  or  fourth  form  constitutes  the  pivot-point  of  both 
realms,  common  to  the  wrath  or  darkness  and  to  the  love  or 
light.  Thus  there  are  these  three  omnipotent  principles  of 
life  in  the  two  forces  and  their  resultant  effect.  They  are 
often  called  by  different  names,  as  light,  darkness,  and  their 
union  which  is  the  visible  world,  or  good,  evil,  and  life,  or 
God,  the  devil,  and  the  world.  A  continuous  uniting  and 


28  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

separating,  an  eternal  attraction  and  repulsion,  an  ever- 
lasting love  and  wrath  is  necessary  to  life.  This  is  the 
law  of  opposites. 

The  practical  and  ethical  character  of  Boehme's  teachings 
is  shown  in  what  seems  his  attempt  to  harmonize  the  unde- 
niable claim  of  pantheism  that  God  is  not  to  be  known  out  of 
and  apart  from  nature  but  in  it  and  through  it,  with  the 
equally  undeniable  fact  of  the  evident  opposition  in  this 
divine  world  of  good  and  evil.  He  cannot  make  light  of  the 
fact  of  evil  and  explain  it  away  as  merely  negative,  as  the 
unavoidable  shadow  to  the  light,  for  it  is  vastly  more  than 
that.  For  him  the  solution  of  the  problem  lies  very  deep 
and  becomes  only  possible  by  looking  upon  the  human  soul 
not  as  a  mode  of  divine  substance,  nor  as  the  work  of  the 
Creator  merely,  but  rather  as  absolutely  self-existent.  In 
other  words,  good  and  evil,  heaven  and  hell,  are  to  be  looked 
upon  as  opposed  possibilities  within  the  soul,  in  relation  to 
which  the  soul  possesses  perfect  liberty  of  choice  and  full 
independence  from  any  external  influence  and  from  any  pre- 
determined inherent  condition;  for  even  this  is  the  deep 
meaning  of  the  word  free-will. 

The  possible  good  and  evil  latent  in  God  and  therefore  in 
the  human  soul,  become  actual  only  when  the  soul  in  its  pri- 
mal freedom  chooses  the  one  or  the  other.  The  soul  is  not  a 
being  different  from  God,  but,  on  the  contrary,  is  funda- 
mentally the  divine  substance  itself,  inasmuch  as  it  brings 
into  reality  the  possible  opposition  between  good  and  evil. 
Therefore  our  rebirth  and  salvation  through  the  Christ 
within  us  are  but  a  return  to  our  own  primal  divine  being, 
but  it  must  come  as  an  act  of  the  will.  Will  or  desire  is, 
in  fact,  the  root  of  all  manifestation,  of  all  life,  the  radical 
force  in  man  as  in  nature  and  in  the  Godhead.  Ever-con- 
tinuing creation  is  expressed  in  the  human  soul  through 


INTRODUCTION  29 

thought  or  imagination ;  out  of  these  is  born  will  and  from 
will,  actions.  The  state  of  our  will  makes  the  state  of  our 
life.  Man  as  manifestation  of  God  bears  the  seal  of  the 
Trinity  in  his  three-fold  nature;  his  soul  from  God,  his 
spirit  from  the  stars,  his  body  from  the  elements.  In  his 
own  realm  he  is  the  microcosm.  Evil  is  any  assertion  of  self, 
a  turning  away  from  God  to  independence  apart  from  Him. 
It  appears  first  as  pride  in  the  archangel  Lucifer,  in  his 
selfish  desire  to  be  more  than  others.  Man,  created  as  a 
perfect  being,  was  higher  than  the  angels  and  greater  than 
the  fallen  Lucifer,  because  he  was  complete.  But  he  lost 
the  inner  divine  wisdom  from  his  nature  by  imitating  Luci- 
fer in  his  desire  for  separateness  from  his  origin,  lost  there- 
fore his  completeness  and  was  separated  into  the  two  sexes, 
under  the  forms  of  Adam  and  Eve.  Hence  marriage  is 
holy,  since  only  through  union  with  his  complementary  na- 
ture can  the  individual  hope  to  gain  in  part  his  birthright 
of  harmonious  completeness. 

The  relation  to  his  own  times  comes  out  clearly  in 
Boehme's  teachings  regarding  freedom  of  conscience,  pref- 
erence for  Christ's  church  invisible  to  churches  "made  of 
stone  "  with  their  learned  but  uninspired  clergy,  and  expecta- 
tion of  the  speedy  appearance  of  peace  and  harmony 
throughout  the  whole  earth.  He  did  not  condemn  the 
sacraments,  but  considered  them  simply  outward  symbols 
of  the  inner  Christ,  helpful  according  to  the  measure  of  our 
faith.  He  upheld  the  necessity  of  government  until  all  men 
return  to  full  freedom  in  God,  but  hoped  for  reform  along 
many  lines.  War  was  for  him  an  abomination.  His  obscure 
language  and  difficult  symbolism,  also  a  mark  of  his  age, 
have  always  made  him  extremely  difficult  to  interpret. 
Readers  of  all  times  have  been  seriously  disturbed  by  the 
prevalence  of  the  confusing  cabalistic  and  alchemical  im- 


3O  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

agery  which  is  the  result  of  his  acquaintance  with  the  works 
of  Paracelsus.  Troeltsch  definitely  states l  that  his  system 
is  founded  upon  impressions  from  Paracelsus,  Schwenkfeld, 
and  Weigel.  He  might  well  mention  Sebastian  Franck  also. 
But  whether  because  Boehme  was  a  theoretical  alchemist 2 
or  because  of  the  curious  fascination,  particularly  at  that 
time,  of  his  mysterious  language  and  the  vagueness  of  his 
directions  regarding  the  search  for  the  philosopher's  stone, 
certain  it  is  that  many  alchemists  read  his  works  with 
sincere  and  eager  devotion  and  that  this  aspect  of  his  writ- 
ings is  thoroughly  in  accord  with  van  Helmont  and  Robert 
Fludd.  To  us  now  it  is  beyond  measure  strange,  the 
profound  influence  of  this  simple  peasant  upon  such  varied 
types  of  individuality  as  may  be  met  in  his  train, — alche- 
mists and  lawyers,  learned  educators  and  simple  tradesmen, 
peasants  and  poets,  preachers  and  philosophers. 

1  Troeltsch :    Soziallehren  der  Christlichen  Kirchen  und  Gruppen, 
in  Gesammelte  Schriften,  I,  p.  898. 
1  Adolf  v.  Harless:  Jakob  Boehme  und  die  Alchymisten. 


II 

ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME 

OF  the  three  great  factors  uniting  to  bring  about  the 
sixteenth-century  reformation,  fourteenth-  and  fifteenth- 
century  England  had  developed  only  one.  After  King  John 
paid  homage  to  Pope  Innocent  III  as  his  liege  lord,  parlia- 
mentary legislation  had  been  directed  toward  separating 
England  from  Rome.  Opposition  to  the  Pope  was  in  Eng- 
land naturally  enough  political  rather  than  religious.  It  is 
true  that  on  the  continent  likewise  the  idea  of  an  independent 
state  had  been  taking  definite  form  perhaps  ever  since  the 
fall  of  the  Hohenstaufen  dynasty ;  it  had  been  strengthened 
by  the  opposition  to  the  popes  at  Avignon ;  at  the  same  time 
the  great  church  councils  of  the  fifteenth  century  had  every- 
where fostered  the  growing  desire  for  national  churches. 
But  only  in  England  was  this  shaking  off  of  the  foreign 
yoke  and  this  subordination  of  church  to  state  at  all  com- 
plete. This  was  Henry  VIII's  great  reformation  and  Eng- 
land's first  contribution  to  the  reformation  as  a  whole. 

But  the  other  two  great  factors,  the  mystical  and  human- 
istic contributions  to  the  reformation,  were  in  England  of 
minor  importance.  England  had  had  no  Meister  Eckhart, 
no  Tauler,  no  Thomas  a  Kempis,  no  Theologia  Germa- 
nica  with  their  sincere  and  heartfelt  teachings  preparing  the 
hearts  of  the  people  for  a  radical  change  in  their  religious 
life.  They  had  had  no  Luther,  a  leader  of  the  people  whose 
personality  had  been  steeped  in  the  devout  and  popular  ele- 

31 


32  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

ments  of  German  mysticism.  Of  themselves  the  English 
people  were  not  ready  for  a  change  from  dependence  on  ex- 
ternal authority  to  absolute  autonomy.  For  in  spite  of  the 
religious  and  devotional  fervor  of  the  English  mystics  from 
Richard  Rolle  of  Hampole  and  his  followers  to  Julian  of 
Norwich,  the  English  reformation  had  been  merely  political, 
and  when  the  time  came  for  a  sweeping  change  in  the  inner 
religious  life,  not  the  English  but  the  German  mystics  were 
generally  read  in  England. 

English  humanistic  culture  had  a  similar  fate.  Erasmus 
had  taught  there,  it  is  true;  but  his  influence  hardly  ex- 
tended beyond  the  nobility.  Thomas  More  had  expounded 
in  his  Utopia  (1516)  an  ideal  of  a  state  in  which  ecclesias- 
tical hierarchy  was  unknown.  But  he  finished  his  career  as 
a  powerful  opponent  of  the  reformation,  and  without  found- 
ing any  school  of  humanism.  Henry  VIIFs  church  had 
merely  substituted  upon  the  old  established  beliefs  and  cere- 
monies, a  royal  for  a  papal  head — the  result  of  a  royal  act, 
not  of  a  development  in  which  the  people  had  any  real  share. 
The  bishops  retained  their  old  power  in  a  system  subjected 
to  the  growing  dangers  of  multiplication  of  benefices  and 
lack  of  interest  on  the  part  of  a  hireling  clergy.  The  new 
Anglican  church  was  naturally  separate,  yet  related  to  a 
reformed  church  on  the  continent,  and  reformed,  yet  re- 
taining a  hierarchical  system.  An  opposition  to  its  outer 
form  might  come  as  a  further  development  of  the  political 
forces  that  had  helped  to  produce  it;  upon  its  relation  to 
the  reformed  churches  of  other  lands  must  depend  its  inner 
development. 

In  Germany  the  reformation  was  likewise  incomplete; 
it  was  not  carried  to  its  promised  and  logical  conclusion  un- 
til in  certain  phases  of  Pietism  it  finally  approached  more 
nearly  to  the  ideal  for  which  Luther  and  Zwingli  had 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  33 

striven.1  The  subjectivity  represented  by  mysticism  meant 
freedom  of  the  individual ;  the  benevolent  fraternity  of  hu- 
manism meant  a  free  church  of  voluntary  membership. 
Whereas  in  principle  the  reformers  announced  the  sover- 
eignty and  priesthood  of  the  individual,  in  practice  they  sub- 
merged personal  faith  under  an  authority  almost  as  rigid 
and  unspiritual  as  in  the  system  they  were  seeking  to  over- 
throw. Luther's  ideal  of  "  every  man  his  own  judge  "  was 
supplanted  by  his  scholastic  notion  of  the  absolute  depravity 
of  man  resultant  from  his  fall ;  his  thought  of  the  universal 
priesthood  of  man  could  not  hold  out  against  his  inherited 
feeling  of  the  necessity  of  a  state  church  to  root  out  heresy. 
The  ideal  of  a  church  on  the  New  Testament  model  was 
lowered  to  the  standard  familiar  through  custom  and  tradi- 
tion. As  the  Lutheran  creed  and  dogma  developed,  freedom 
was  more  and  more  lost  sight  of,  until  speedily  a  church  of 
fixed  forms  and  beliefs  had  grown  up.  The  letter-bound 
Lutheran  orthodoxy  represented  a  victory  of  one  of  the  es- 
sential elements  of  religion  over  the  other,  the  victory  of  the 
traditional  over  the  mystical  element,  the  submission  of  the 
ever-changing,  personal,  inspirational  force  to  the  perma- 
nent, unchanging,  conservative  force  that  binds  the  ages  to- 
gether. For  a  state  church,  by  its  very  nature,  is  bound  to 
look  with  disfavor  upon  all  purely  personal  religion.  It  is 
bound  to  disregard  the  fact  that  just  as  long  as  the  two  ele- 
ments— mysticism  and  tradition — are  harmoniously  com- 
bined, as  long  as  organized  religion  on  the  one  hand  resists 
a  strong  tendency  to  settle  into  a  sacred  form  or  system,  as 
long  as  divinely  illuminated  souls  on  the  other  hand  do  not 
exalt  their  own  experience  and  ignore  the  gains  of  the  race 
in  the  light  of  master-revelations  of  the  past,  just  so  long 
will  religion  remain  ideal  and  powerful.  This  lack  of  bal- 
1  Weingarten :  Die  Revolutionskirchcn  England*,  p.  442. 


34  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

ance  between  the  two  elements  has  caused  the  church 
throughout  the  ages  to  denounce  the  mystics,  whom  they 
have  branded  with  varying  names  as  time  went  on,  as  Simon- 
ites,  Gnostics,  New  Prophets,  Anabaptists,  Paracelsians, 
Boehmenists,  Rosicrucians,  Pietists,  Separatists,  Quakers, 
Enthusiasts,  heretics,  fanatics ! 

The  German  reformation  had  not  been  entirely  confined, 
as  we  have  seen,  to  the  work  of  the  creed-makers.  The  lack 
of  incentive  toward  the  development  of  a  truly  devout 
spiritual  freedom  under  the  strict  Lutheran  dogma,  the 
glaring  inconsistencies  of  the  great  reformers,  and  the  con- 
sequent need  of  a  deeper  reformation  was  keenly  felt  by 
the  thinkers  of  the  time  who  were  likewise  thoroughly  im- 
bued with  the  leavening  power  of  a  belief  in  the  Divine 
Presence.1  These  men  were  a  result  of  that  acute  and  in- 
tense religious  feeling — not  necessarily  confined  to  Chris- 
tianity— which  puts  emphasis  upon  immediate  relationship 
to  God,  upon  direct  and  intimate  consciousness  of  divine 
inner  light.  Under  the  leadership  of  such  men  the  growth 
of  this  mystical  side  of  religion  made  great  progress.  It 
bore  rapid  fruit  in  the  development  of  new  religious  forms 
or  communities  along  with  and  also  within  the  Lutheran 
church.  But  the  German  church  of  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth centuries,  the  political  plaything  of  princes,  could 
offer  no  place  for  the  development  of  an  institution  fitted  to 
this  group  of  thinkers  and  their  ideas,  centered  about  free- 
dom. Naturally  sects  must  arise ;  also  they  must  be  perse- 
cuted and  driven  out  as  were  the  various  Anabaptist  groups. 
Divisions  must  arise  within  the  church  itself.  In  1571,  for 
instance,  one  hundred  and  eleven  preachers  were  driven 
out  of  Saxony  by  Electoral  Prince  August.  Later  the 
Lutherans  even  united  with  the  Catholics  to  drive  the  Cal- 
1  Ritschl :  Geschichte  des  Pietistnus,  I,  p.  80. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  35 

vinists  from  the  same  territory.  By  the  year  1600  the 
conscience  of  the  counter-reformation  had  caused  Austria 
and  Bohemia  to  drive  out  thousands  of  their  most  indus- 
trious and  law-abiding  citizens. 

In  Holland  these  fugitives  found  a  home.  During  the 
struggle  with  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  the  Dutch  leaders  in 
1576  had  united  in  a  pledge  of  religious  toleration.  This 
struggle  for  freedom  seemed  to  bring  prosperity  to  the  Neth- 
erlands ;  her  trade  and  industry  developed  amazingly.  Un- 
conditioned freedom  of  trade  and  commerce  kept  pace  with 
the  freedom  of  faith,  of  science,  and  of  the  press, — a  freedom 
which  made  of  this  one  nation  a  refuge  for  the  persecuted 
of  all  lands.  In  such  a  home  the  great  religious  movement, 
yet  untouched  in  its  depths  by  the  German  reformation, 
took  form  under  the  influence  of  German  mystics,  Baptists, 
and  humanists  expelled  from  Germany,  and  found  its  way  to 
England,  carrying  the  beginnings  of  the  advanced  liberal 
ideas  of  to-day.  A  great  many  Dutch  weavers,  who  were 
permitted  by  Elizabeth  to  settle  in  England,  "  helped  to  make 
England  Protestant,  and  thus  laid  a  lasting  basis  for  her 
wealth ;  but  at  the  same  time  they  did  even  more  than  this ; 
for  in  helping  to  make  her  Protestant  they  also  helped  to 
make  her  free."  l 

England's  reformation  century  is  the  seventeenth,  not 
the  sixteenth.  Not  until  the  reign  of  the  Stuarts  and  in 
the  struggle  against  them  does  separation  inward  as  well 
as  outward  from  the  Church  of  Rome  become  the  affair  of 
the  whole  nation,  and  the  history  of  the  English  church 
the  history  of  a  spiritual  and  religious  movement.2  There, 
amid  civil  war,  the  fundamental  forces  of  religious  freedom 

1  Douglas    Campbell :    The    Puritan    in    England,    Holland,   and 
America,  London,  1892,  I,  chap,  x,  p.  429. 
1  Weingarten,  pp.  I  ff. 


36  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

work   out   their   destiny   and   in   England   the    Protestant 
reformation  reaches  its  final  conclusion. 

As  a  continuous  movement  the  English  reformation  may 
be  said  to  begin  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI  (1547-1553), 
when  Hooper  declined  to  be  consecrated  as  bishop  under 
Catholic  ceremonies.  The  name  Puritan  was  first  given  * 
to  non-conformists  early  in  Elizabeth's  reign  (1558-1603), 
to  those  who,  continuing  the  opposition  to  ceremonies  and 
the  wearing  of  church  vestments,  yet  remained  within  the 
church.  During  the  persecution  under  Mary  (1553-1558) 
many  fugitives  had  found  shelter  in  the  reformed  countries 
of  the  continent,  particularly  in  Germany  and  Holland.  In 
the  churches  in  Zurich,  Strassburg,  Frankfurt-am-Main, 
and  other  places  their  creed  was  strongly  modified  by  Cal- 
vinism. From  Geneva  and  Frankfurt  Knox  returned  to 
Scotland,  where,  in  the  foundation  of  a  national  church 
with  a  rigorous  Presbyterian  constitution,  this  Calvinistic 
Puritanism  soon  reached  the  highest  point  of  development. 
But  the  Calvinistic  spirit  of  other  returning  refugees,  al- 
though similar  to  the  original  Puritan  spirit,  had  no  such 
triumph  in  England.  It  must  first  encounter  another  for- 
eign element  in  the  teachings  of  the  Anabaptists.  These 
teachings  must  have  been  known  in  England  as  early  as 
1533  among  the  educated  as  well  as  the  lower  classes,  al- 
though there  was  at  that- time  no  talk  of  any  such  English 
sect.2  In  1534  the  name  Anabaptist  appears  in  English 
documents.  In  1535,  1538,  and  again  in  1539  large  groups 
of  Anabaptists  came  from  Holland.  Their  doctrines  began 
at  once  to  attract  attention.  In  1541  under  Henry  VIII 
"an  act  concerning  the  King's  most  gracious,  general  and 

1  Fuller:  Church  History,  II,  p.  474. 

1  A.  W.  Boehme :  Reformation  der  Kirche  in  England,  pp.  151- 
53- 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  37 

free  pardon "  expressly  excludes  from  this  pardon  the 
heresies  and  erroneous  opinions  of  the  Anabaptists.1  It 
would  seem,  however,  that  during  the  sixteenth  century 
there  was  no  decided  growth  of  the  sect.  The  name  had 
too  recently  been  associated  with  the  fall  of  Minister  and 
with  events  revolting  to  the  sober-minded  Englishman. 
Nevertheless  the  new  doctrines  became  generally  known; 
they  merged  with  the  important  elements  of  the  earlier  Eng- 
lish religious  movements — the  evangelical  doctrines  of  Wy- 
clif  and  the  practical  devotion  of  the  early  English  mystics 
— until  Anabaptism  in  its  new  environment  became  the 
spiritual  soil  from  which  all  non-conformist  sects  sprang. 
"  It  was  the  first  plain  announcement  in  modern  history  of 
a  program  for  a  new  type  of  Christian  society  which  the 
modern  world,  especially  in  America  and  England,  has  been 
slowly  realizing — an  absolutely  free  and  independent  re- 
ligious society,  a  state  in  which  every  man  counts  as 
a  man  and  has  his  share  in  shaping  both  church  and 
state."  2 

In  spite  of  the  immediate  opposition  to  Anabaptist 
teachings,  the  appearance  and  progress  of  its  ideals  within 
the  English  church  is  soon  apparent.  Puritan  conventicles, 
the  first  result  of  Elizabeth's  zeal  for  conformity,  developed 
in  time  into  separatist  congregations.  Not  all  Puritans, 
however,  left  the  state  church.  From  petitions  to  James  I 
(1603- 1625  )3  during  the  first  years  of  his  reign,  it  is  ap- 
parent that  the  older  English  Puritans  were  interested  not, 
as  were  the  Scotch,  mainly  in  the  fundamental  question  of 
church  constitution,  but  rather  in  the  right  of  freedom  to 

'Edmund  Gibson:  Codex  Juris  Ecclesiastici  Anglicani,  Oxford, 
1761,  p.  516. 

'  R.  M.  Jones:  Studies  in  Mystical  Religion,  p.  367. 
*  Fuller:  III,  pp.  215-20. 


38  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

preach.  A  more  positive  opposition  to  a  state  church  as 
such  came  first  through  the  Brownists. 

In  Norfolk  some  Baptists  of  Holland  had  found  refuge 
from  Alba's  cruelty.  Robert  Browne,  chaplain  of  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk,  spent  much  time  with  them  and  in  his  rest- 
less, passionate  nature  their  ideas  found  rapid  growth.  In 
A  book  which  showeth  the  Life  and  Manner  of  all  true 
Christians,  1582,  he  defines  a  state  church  as  Antichrist. 
The  true  church  he  considers  a  free  community  of  believers. 
His  followers  separated  from  the  English  church.  Though 
Browne  himself  returned  to  it  later,  his  early  teachings 
spread.  In  1594  many  Brownists,  preferring  exile  to 
imprisonment,  took  refuge  in  Holland.  In  1598  they  pub- 
lished their  Confession  of  faith  of  certain  English  people, 
living  in  the  Low  Countries,  exiled.  In  addition  to  their 
idea  of  religious  freedom  might  here  be  noted  as  important 
to  the  course  of  the  English  reformation  their  objection 
to  prescribed  forms  of  prayer  which  hinder  the  work 
of  the  Spirit ;  their  insistence  upon  the  life  of  Christ  within 
us  as  the  highest  goal  attainable;  and  their  rejection  of 
preachers  "  learned  only  according  to  the  schools  "  whom 
they  regarded  as  Pharisees  and  pretenders.  Under  the 
Brownist  leaders  Francis  Johnson,  Henry  Ainsworth,  and 
John  Robinson  in  England  and  Holland,  the  idea  of  the 
"  congregational  way  "  came  to  full  consciousness,  that  is, 
the  idea  of  the  autonomy  of  each  individual  congregation, 
the  absolute  separation  of  church  and  state.  This  idea  was 
taken  up  by  non-separatist  Puritans,  as  well  as  by  separatist 
Brownists  and  Baptists.  About  1640  it  was  nicknamed 
"  Independency,"  and  Puritans  and  Separatists  alike  were 
called  Independents. 

Early  in  the  history  of  Independency  a  strife  arose  regard- 
ing the  position  of  elders  in  the  church.  This  was  clearly 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  39 

expressive  of  the  new  spirit  of  religious  democracy.  Com- 
bined with  the  common  hope  of  a  continuing  and  immediate 
reformation,  this  opposition  to  ecclesiastical  aristocracy  was 
to  form  in  the  near  future  the  strongest  kind  of  a  political 
party  out  of  these  adherents  to  the  "  congregational  way." 
The  part  then  played  by  the  Independents  in  the  English 
revolution — how  they  were  recruited  from  the  older,  non- 
congregational  Puritan  party,  and  even  from  the  Presby- 
terians, while  yet  engaged  in  a  bitter  struggle  with  both, 
how  under  Cromwell's  leadership  they  became  the  power- 
ful advocates  of  liberty  in  every  realm,  how  they  all  but 
turned  England  into  the  "  fifth  monarchy  " — these  facts  be- 
long to  the  second  or  enthusiastic  period  of  Independency. 
With  the  death  of  John  Robinson,  1625,  the  old  preacher 
who  blessed  the  Pilgrim  fathers  as  they  started  on  their 
way  to  America,  to  "  clear  a  path  for  the  kingdom  of  Christ 
to  the  remote  ends  of  the  earth,"  the  first  period  of  In- 
dependency came  to  an  end. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I  ( 1625-1649) 
to  Cromwell's  protectorate  (1653),  the  form  of  the  church 
constitution  was  the  crucial  question.  In  only  one  point  was 
the  Episcopacy,  for  which  Archbishop  Laud  was  striving,  dif- 
ferent from  Catholicism:  all  power  and  authority  belonged 
to  the  crown  instead  of  to  the  church.  Laud  did  more 
toward  founding  a  new  papacy  than  Henry  VIII  had  done. 
The  building  up  of  a  kingdom  of  Christ  as  a  theocracy 
after  the  Old  Testament  model  was  the  fundamental  thought 
of  Presbyterianism.  Its  demand  for  a  reformation  of 
church  and  state  according  to  the  word  of  God  was  in 
reality  nothing  but  a  demand  for  rulership  by  a  spiritual 
aristocracy  and,  in  fact,  according  to  "  divine  right."  The 
people  in  general  were  much  more  closely  bound  to  Pres- 
byterianism, by  reason  of  the  influence  of  the  Puritans, 


4O  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

than  they  were  to  Episcopacy.  But  that  austere  faith,  in 
spite  of  its  strong  hold  in  Scotland,  lacked  the  ideals  which 
were  to  win  the  hearts  of  the  English  people.  These  ideals 
were  furnished  by  Independency.1 

That  the  appearance  of  the  Lord  and  of  His  church  upon 
this  earth  was  very  near  at  hand  had  been  the  general  be- 
lief of  mysticism  throughout  the  German  reformation. 
The  Separatists  during  their  banishment  were  comforted  by 
the  same  chiliastic  ideas;  they  believed  that  Independency 
was  the  beginning,  or  at  least  the  antecedent,  of  Christ's 
kingdom  upon  earth.  Burroughs  and  Goodwin,  after  their 
return  to  England,  became  fiery  preachers  of  such  beliefs, 
always  emphasizing  the  principle :  "  not  the  head  but  the 
heart  makes  the  Christian."  During  this  period  Indepen- 
dency progressed  along  two  lines :  its  purely  religious  aspect 
found  development  in  various  new  sects,  and  its  final  conclu- 
sion in  the  Quakers;  its  political  aspect,  of  which  the  first 
form  is  represented  by  Levellers 2  and  Diggers,  evolved  the 
principle  of  individual  freedom  until  it  reached  the  point  of 
becoming  the  impelling  force  of  modern  political  life. 

The  idea  of  a  national  church  was  impossible  to  the  ad- 
herents of  the  "congregational  way."  They  had  no  knowl- 
edge of  the  historical  progress  and  development  of  the 
church  as  an  institution,  and  no  comprehension  of  the  neces- 
sity or  justification  of  such  a  growth.  They  considered 
each  separate  congregation  a  law  unto  itself ;  only  as  an  un- 
organized complex  of  individual  congregations  could  the 
visible  church  have  any  relationship  to  the  invisible  church 
or  spiritual  community  of  all  believers.  This  was  partly  the 
result  of  the  Calvinistic  foundation  of  the  older  Puritanism 

1  Weingarten,  pp.  71-75. 

*  G.  P.  Gooch :  English  Democratic  Ideas  in  the  Seventeenth  Cen- 
tury, Cambridge,  1898. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  41 

• 
upon  which  the  adherents  of  the  "  congregational  way  "  had 

built.  According  to  their  practice  members  of  a  congrega- 
tion could  be  only  "  believers  "  who  could  give  real  evidence 
of  their  "  election  "  and  true  regeneration.1  Such  a  church 
was  obliged  therefore  to  oppose  all  church  offices  and  au- 
thority in  order  to  destroy  human  authority  in  the  realm  of 
faith,  so  that  men  might  be  subject  only  to  God.  They  had 
no  carefully  worked  out  theological  dogma  in  spite  of  the 
many  dogmatic  controversies  in  which  they  became  involved 
and  the  hundreds  of  heresies  that  were  attributed  to  them. 
But  the  one  thought  from  which  their  activity  and  develop- 
ment must  be  explained  stands  out  ever  more  clearly — their 
ardent  desire  to  understand  and  grasp  fully  religious  life  in 
its  immediacy,  in  the  depth  of  its  whole  being  a  demand 
for  inspiration  and  revelation. 

So  far,  in  the  presentation  of  the  early  history  of  the 
epoch  of  enthusiastic  religion,  we  have  spoken  directly  only 
of  the  Anabaptist  and  Brownist  sects.  Other  sects  and 
other  influences  had  a  part  in  producing  this  general 
mystical  atmosphere.  Since  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century  there  had  been  in  England  members  of  the  "  Fam- 
ily of  Love"  or  Familists,  a  sect  that  had  arisen  on  the 
continent  shortly  after  the  Anabaptists,  and  had  its  great 
second  flourishing  period  in  England  during  the  seven- 
teenth century,  through  the  Commonwealth  (16501660). 
The  sect  was  founded  in  Holland  about  1540  by  Henrick 
Niclaes  (1502-^.  1580),  a  Catholic,  who  came  under  the  in- 
fluence of  David  George  or  Joris,  since  1534  an  Anabaptist. 
Henry  Nicholas,  as  he  is  generally  called,  interpreted  the 
whole  Bible  allegorically,  saying  that  as  Moses  taught 
hope  and  Christ  faith,  it  was  his  mission  to  teach  love. 
About  1550  he  visited  England.  His  teachings  were 
'Robert  Baillie:  Letters,  II,  p.  236. 


42  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

further  propagated  there  by  Christopher  Vittel,  a  joiner, 
who  appears  to  have  undertaken  a  missionary  journey 
throughout  the  country  about  1560.  Fuller1  states  that  in 
1578  the  "  Family  of  Love  began  now  to  grow  so  numerous, 
factious,  and  dangerous  that  the  Privy  Council  thought  fit 
to  endeavor  their  suppression." 

The  same  year  (1578),  John  Rogers,  a  bitter  but  fair- 
minded  Protestant,  published  an  account  of  their  doctrines 
in  The  Displaying  of  an  Horrible  Sect  of  Gross  and  Wicked 
Heretics  naming  themselves  the  Family  of  Love.  They 
were  not  Separatists,  however,  but  church-goers  who  held 
private  gatherings.  Before  1600  they  probably  attracted 
but  few  converts,  and  even  until  1620  they  must  have  made 
slow  progress.  In  1623  Edmund  Jessop,  after  narrowly  es- 
caping being  converted  to  Familism,  gave  an  account  of  their 
doctrines.  "  They  say,  that  when  Adam  sinned,  then  Christ 
was  killed,  and  Anti  Christ  came  to  live.  They  teach  that 
the  same  perfection  of  holiness  which  Adam  [had?]  be- 
fore he  fell,  is  to  be  attained  here  in  this  life;  and  affirme 
that  all  their  family  of  love  are  as  perfect  and  innocent 
as  he.  And  that  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  spoken 
of  by  St.  Paul  in  the  I.  Cor.  15  and  this  prophesie,  Then 
shall  be  fulfilled  the  saying  which  is  written,  O  death,  -where 
is  thy  sting,  O  grave,  where  is  thy  victory?  is  fulfilled  in 
them,  and  deny  all  other  resurrection  of  the  body  to  be 
after  this  life.  They  will  have  this  blasphemer  H.  N. 
[Henry  Nicholas]  to  be  the  sonne  of  God,  Christ,  which 
was  to  come  in  the  end  of  the  world  to  judge  the  world; 
and  say,  that  the  day  of  judgment  is  already  come;  and 
that  H.  N.  judgeth  the  world  now  by  his  doctrine;  so  that 
whosoever  doth  not  obey  his  Gospel,  shall  (in  time)  be 
rooted  out  of  the  world;  and  that  his  Family  of  love  shall 

1  Church  History,  IV,  p.  407. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  43 

inherite  and  inhabite  the  earth  forever,  world  without  end ; 
only  (they  say)  they  shall  die  in  the  bodie,  as  now  men 
do,  and  their  soules  go  to  heaven,  but  their  posterities  shall 
continue  forever.  ...  He  maketh  every  one  of  his 
Family  of  love  to  be  Christ,  yea  and  God,  and  himself  God 
and  Christ  in  a  more  excellent  manner,  saying,  that  he  is 
Godded  with  God,  and  codeified  with  him,  and  that  God 
is  hominified  with  him." 1 

Even  such  a  prejudiced  account  does  not  entirely  con- 
ceal the  fact  that  the  Familists  represented  a  lofty  type  of 
mystical  religion  that  insisted  upon  spiritualizing  this  world 
rather  than  dogmatizing  about  the  next.  In  their  insistence 
upon  the  Divine  Light  and  Life  within  the  Soul  and  upon 
the  unimportance  of  outward  forms  and  ceremonies,  in 
their  objection  to  taking  oaths  and  carrying  arms,  and  in 
their  demand  for  religious  toleration,  the  Familists  closely 
resembled  the  Anabaptists.  Although  they  hold  that  there 
is  but  one  spirit,  the  absolute  and  essential  God,  in  all  crea- 
tures in  heaven,  earth,  and  hell,  and  that  heaven  and  hell  are 
really  within  man,  they  make  no  attempt  to  explain  evil,  or 
to  give  it,  in  fact,  any  recognized  place  in  their  system. 
They  believe  in  a  perfection  to  be  achieved  and  maintained 
here  and  now.  The  Bible,  the  facts  of  the  creation  and  fall 
of  man,  are  of  no  especial  significance  to  them ;  the  "  light 
within  "  is  the  one  overwhelming  fact.  From  about  1630 
onward  we  find  controversial  literature  abounding  in 
references  to  the  Familists  and  their  heresies.  Familist, 
like  Anabaptist,  became  a  general  term  of  reproach.  Many 
of  the  Familist  books  were  reprinted  in  English.  In  Pil- 
grim's Progress  Bunyan  immortalized  the  allegoric-mys- 
tical journey  of  H.  N.  [Henry  Nicholas],  prophet  of  the 

'  Edmund  Jessop:  A  Discovery  of  the  Errors  of  the  English  Ana- 
baptists, London,  1623,  pp.  88-90. 


44  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Family  of  Love.1  A  confutation  of  their  errors  appearing 
in  1646 2  recognized  their  relation  to  the  teachings  of  the 
Theologia  Germanica  and  to  the  great  Neoplatonic 
movement.  By  confusing  the  mystical  and  magical  ele- 
ments, a  mistake  common  to  that  time,  the  author  explains 
the  sympathy  of  the  Familists  for  the  alchemists  by  their 
close  relationship  to  the  older  mystics,  the  sympathy 
suggested  by  the  statement :  "  The  Familists  are  very 
confident  that  by  the  knowledge  of  astrologie  and  the 
strength  of  reason,  they  shall  be  able  to  conquer  the 
world." 8  The  Theologia  Germanica  was  published  in 
English  by  an  avowed  Familist.4 

Related  in  thought  at  least  to  the  Familists  were  a  num- 
ber of  mystical  teachers  belonging  apparently,  in  spite  of 
the  accusations  of  their  opponents,  to  no  sect  whatever.  In- 
dependently, and  to  a  great  extent  unwittingly,  they  car- 
ried along  the  mystical,  spiritualistic  tradition.  The  most 
important  of  these  individuals  was  John  Everard  (c.  1575- 
1645°),  Cambridge  doctor  of  theology,  exceedingly  popu- 
lar preacher,  the  earliest  English  disciple  of  Tauler.  After 
his  conversion  to  mysticism  he  was  continually  accused  of 

1  Ernst  Troeltsch :  Soziallehren  der  Christlichen  Kirchen  u.  Grup- 
pen,  p.  402,  note. 

*  Benjamin  Bourne:  The  Description  and  Confutation  of  Mysticall 
Anti-Christ,  the  Familists,  or  an  information  drawn  up  and  published 
for  the  Confirmation  and  Comfort  of  the  Faithfull,  against  many 
Anti-Christian  Familisticall  Doctrines  which  are  frequently  preached 
and  printed  in  English;  particularly  in  those  dangerous  books  called 
Theologia  Germanica,  the  Bright  Star,  Divinity  and  Philosophy  dis- 
sected, London,  1646. 

1  From  Chapter  I  of  above. 

4  Theologia  Germanica.  Or  Mysticall  Divinitie:  A  Little  Golden 
Manuall  briefly  Discovering  the  mysteries,  sublimity,  perfection  and 
simplicity  of  Christianity,  in  Belief  and  Practice,  London,  1648. 
Preface  signed  by  Giles  Randall. 

8  Notes  and  Queries,  2nd  series,  VII,  p.  457,  June  4,  1859. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  45 

Familism  and  Anabaptism  and  often  imprisoned  for  hold- 
ing conventicles.  He  translated  the  Theologia  Germa- 
nica,  also  writings  of  Tauler,  Dionysius,  Hans  Denck,  and 
became  the  pioneer  of  quietistic  mysticism  in  England. 
After  his  death  some  of  his  sermons  and  translations  were 
collected  and  published  in  three  successive  editions,  1653, 
1657,  I659.1  The  sermons  are  edifying  and  practical  rather 
than  speculative  and  metaphysical;  their  main  ideas  are  in 
the  sermon  on  "  suffering  and  ruling  with  Christ."  Everard 
quotes  Plato,  Plotinus,  Proclus,  Origenes,  Dionysius,  St. 
Augustine,  St.  Bernhard,  St.  Francis. 

Of  a  similar  spirit  was  Francis  Rous  (1579-1659),  who 
was  made  Provost  of  Eton  College  in  1644,  and  a  member 
of  every  Parliament  from  1625  until  1656.  Until  about 

1  The  Gospel-Treasury  Opened;  or  the  Holyest  of  all  Unvailing: 
Discovering  yet  more  the  Riches  of  Grace  and  Glory ;  to  the  Vessels 
of  Mercy  Unto  whom  only  it  is  given  to  know  the  mysteries  of  that 
Kingdom  and  the  Excellency  of  Spirit,  Power,  Truth  above  Letter, 
Forms,  Shadows.  In  several  Sermons  ...  by  John  Everard  D.  D. 
deceased.  The  second  edition  much  enlarged.  Whereunto  is  added 
the  Mystical  Divinity  of  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  .  .  .  with  collec- 
tions out  of  other  Divine  Authors,  translated  by  D.  Everard,  never 
before  printed  in  England.  London.  Printed  for  Ralph  Harford, 
1659.  Cambridge  MS.  Dd.  XII  68  has  John  Everard,  author  of 
Three  Books,  translated  out  of  their  original!:  First,  the  Letter  and 
the  Life,  or  the  Flesh  and  the  Spirit;  secondly,  German  Divinitie; 
thirdly,  the  Vision  of  God,  written  1638.  The  first  only  is  included 
in  The  Gospel-Treasury  Opened.  It  was  part  of  a  treatise  that 
was  later  published  in  London  under  the  title  The  Mumial  Treatise 
of  Tenzelius,  being  a  natural  account  of  the  Tree  of  Life  and  of 
the  Tree  of  Knowledge  of  Good  and  Evil,  with  a  mystical  interpreta- 
tion of  that  great  Secret,  to  wit,  the  Cabalistical  Concordance  of 
the  Tree  of  Life  and  Death,  of  Christ  and  Adam.  Translated  by 
N.  Turner,  London,  1657.  Tenzel's  work  is  founded  on  Tauler  and 
German  Divinity  (Theologia  Germanica).  The  Vision  of  God, 
mentioned  "  thirdly "  above,  is  probably  a  translation  of  Tractatus 
de  Visione  Dei  by  John  Scotus  Erigena,  a  treatise  which  has  never 
been  printed.  See  Notes  and  Queries,  4th  series,  I,  p.  597. 


46  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

1625  his  writings  show  him  as  a  sound  Puritan  divine. 
About  1648  he  joined  the  Independents.  Long  before  this, 
however,  he  had  begun  the  study  of  mystical  writings.  His 
Mystical  Marriage  or  experimental  Discourses  of  the 
Heavenly  marriage  between  a  Soule  and  her  Saviour,  Lon- 
don, 1635  (reprinted  1653),  and  Heavenly  Academic, 

1638  (several  times  reprinted),  show  the  subjective  and 
devotional  type  of  mystic  piety.      He    quotes    Thomas    a 
Kempis,  St.  Bernhard,  and  Dionysius  the  Areopagite. 

With  the  interest  in  the  inner  life  of  religion  came  the 
growing  popular  demand  for  religious  freedom,  a  demand 
that  found  straightforward  and  determined  expression  as 
early  as  1644  m  a  pamphlet  on  Liberty  of  Conscience — 
"  the  compelling  of  a  man  to  do  anything  against  his  own 
conscience,  especially  in  matters  of  faith,  is  a  doing  of  evil." 
William  Dell  (1607-1664)  and  John  Saltmarsh  (c.  1613- 
1647),  chaplains  in  the  army1  and  later  friends  of  Crom- 
well, preached  to  an  attentive,  vigorous-minded,  and  re- 
ligious soldiery  the  doctrines  of  the  "  inner  light  "  and  lib- 
erty. They  were  also  very  active  mystical  writers.  Salt- 
marsh  expresses  thoughts  so  similar  to  Sebastian  Franck's 
that  it  seems  he  must  have  known  Franck's  writings.2  He 
was  of  Magdalene  College,  Cambridge,  took  orders  about 

1639  as  a  zealous  advocate  of  Episcopacy  and  conformity. 

1  "  A  Survey  of  the  Spiritual  Anti-Christ  Opening  the  Secrets  of 
Familisme  and  Antinomianisme  in  the  Anti-Christian  doctrine  of 
John  Saltmarsh,  William  Dell,  the  present  preachers  of  the  army 
now  in  England.  In  which  is  revealed  the  rise  and  spring  of  An- 
tinomians,  Familists,  Libertines,  Swenck-feldians,  Enthysiasts,  etc., 
Samuel  Rutherford,  London,  1647."  (A  very  typical  tract). 

2Troeltsch,  p.  889,  note:  "Von  Franck's  Schriften  in  England 
wird  Herr  Sippell  berichten,  der  sie  in  dortigen  Archiven  aufge- 
funden.  Ein  Mann  wie  Saltmarsh  scheint  mir  ohne  Franck  un- 
verstandlich ;  es  sind  uberall  verwandte  Gedanken,  zugleich  von 
einer  gewinnenden  menschlichen  Liebenswiirdigkeit." 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  47 

In  1643,  however,  he  resigned  his  preferment  from  scruples 
concerning  the  acceptance  of  tithes,  returning  to  public 
use  all  that  he  had  already  received,  and  "  embracing 
with  ardor  the  cause  of  church  reform,  reaching  by  de- 
grees the  position  of  a  very  sincere,  if  eccentric,  cham- 
pion of  complete  religious  liberty.  This  change  in  his 
views  seems  to  have  been  produced  by  his  intimacy  with 
Sir  John  Hotham." 1  It  is  a  striking  coincidence  that 
whereas  Sir  John  Hotham,  soldier  on  the  side  of  the  In- 
dependents, -is  generally  considered  to  have  had  no  particu- 
lar religious  feelings  or  convictions,  he  was  the  father  of 
Charles  and  Durant  Hotham,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  later 
as  mystical  teachers,  probably  the  earliest  disciples  of 
Boehme  in  Cambridge.  Saltmarsh  found  a  sympathetic 
critic,  possibly  a  friend,  in  John  Dury.  Two  of  his  books 
deserve  a  high  place  among  spiritual  works :  Holy  Dis- 
coveries, London,  1640,  and  Sparkles  of  Glory  or  some 
Beams  of  the  Morning  Star,  London,  1647. 

William  Dell's  program  of  church  reform  was  expressed 
in  words  very  similar  to  Luther's.  In  reality,  he  had  gone 
beyond  Luther  in  his  demands.  His  whole  doctrine  of 
salvation  is  not  Lutheran  but  mystical;  the  true  church 
of  Christ  on  earth  can  consist  only  of  true  believers,  of 
those  who  have  evidence  from  the  "  inner  light "  that  they 
have  been  "  born  again."  2  But  Dell  made  apparently  no 
effort  to  realize  his  ideals.  Like  Saltmarsh  he  joined  none 
of  the  contemporary  sects.  Later  the  Quakers  put  his  ideas 
to  the  test  of  practical  application. 

A  mystical  contemporary  of  John  Everard's  was  the  Ven- 
erable Augustine  Baker  (1575-1641),  "one  of  the  most 

1  Article  on  Saltmarsh :  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 
1  Theodor  Sippell :    William  Dell's  Programm  einer  lutherischen 
Gemeinschaftsbewegung,  Tubingen,  1911. 


48  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

lucid  and  orderly  of  guides  to  the  contemplative  life." 1 
His  authorities  were  the  older  English  mystics,  Richard 
Rolle,  Hilton,  the  unknown  author  of  the  Cloud  of  Un- 
knowing (about  1350-1400), 2  and  the  older  German  mys- 
tics Tauler,  Suso,  and  the  Flemish  Ruysbroeck.  Through 
these  writers,  as  we  know,  the  line  of  descent  goes  back 
to  the  early  writers  who  brought  Neoplatonism  into  the 
church.  From  Father  Baker's  MSS.  were  compiled  by 
Father  Serenus  Cressy  devotional  books  for  contemplative 
souls.8 

A  remarkable  example  of  the  trend  of  the  time  toward 
a  deeper  religious  life  is  shown  in  the  community  at  Little 
Gidding.  Nicholas  Ferrar  (1592-1637),  educated  in  medi- 
cine, traveler,  efficient  manager  of  the  Virginia  Company, 
member  of  Parliament,  left  public  life  in  1624  and  retired 
to  a  small  country  estate,  Little  Gidding,  whither  he  was 
promptly  followed  by  the  other  members  of  his  family. 
This  little  community  of  some  thirty  persons  had  apparently 
no  intention  of  forming  a  religious  order  or  sect ;  their  ob- 
ject was  merely  to  lead  a  religious  life  in  accordance  with 
the  principles  of  the  Anglican  church.  As  they  said,  "  They 
had  found  divers  perplexities,  distractions  and  almost  utter 
ruin  in  their  callings;  if  others  knew  what  comfort  God 
had  ministered  unto  them  since  their  sequestration  they 
might  take  like  course."  Naturally  such  an  institution 
caused  many  comments,  and  Protestants  looked  angrily  on 
what  they  considered  an  attempt  to  introduce  Catholicism. 
But  visitors  and  examiners  found  nothing  to  which  to  ob- 
ject. The  community  aimed  at  nothing  but  the  organiza- 

1  Evelyn  Underbill :  Mysticism,  p.  559. 

1  Edited  by  Evelyn  Underbill,  1912. 

'  Appeared  as  Sancta  Sophia.  Or  Direction  for  the  prayer  of 
contemplation,  Douay,  1657.  Also  The  Holy  Practices  of  a  Devine 
Lover  or  the  Sainctly  Ideots  Devotions,  Paris,  1657. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  49 

tion  of  a  family  life  on  the  basis  of  putting  devotion  in  the 
first  place  of  practical  duties.  Ferrar  was  not  even  de- 
sirous of  doing  much  literary  work,  but  contented  himself 
with  framing  a  harmony  of  the  Gospels  and  of  the  history 
of  the  books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles.  The  slight  influence 
of  the  community,  which  was  broken  up  shortly  after  the 
death  of  Ferrar,  was  toward  a  deepening  of  the  religious 
life  of  the  time.  It  had  otherwise  no  connection  with  the 
mystical  forces  which  we  are  considering.1 

Utterly  distinct  from  the  various  mystical  influences 
already  discussed,  yet  springing  from  the  same  fountain- 
head  and  similarly  expressive  of  the  general  feeling  of  re- 
ligious unrest  and  uncertainty  was  the  Cambridge  Platonic 
school.  Henry  More  (1614-1687),  in  whose  writings  the 
most  distinctive  traits  are  best  shown,  read  Proclus  and 
Plotinus ;  Dionysius  the  Areopagite  was  one  of  his  dearest 
friends;  he  was  steeped  in  the  sincere  mysticism  of  the 
Theologia  Germanica.  His  school  was  purely  intellectual 
in  character,  it  sought  no  followers,  it  formed  no  sect;  in 
later  days  it  even  led  men  back  to  the  Established  Church 
as  to  a  refuge;  yet  in  spite  of  this,  its  teachings  helped  to 
swell  the  tide  of  opposition  to  religion  at  second-hand,  to 
forms  and  ceremonies,  to  a  clergy  skilled  only  in  affairs  of 
the  intellect  and  not  of  the  heart  and  soul. 

We  have  spoken  of  John  Everard  as  the  pioneer  of  quiet- 
istic  mysticism  in  England.  He  was,  however,  more  than 
a  mystic  in  his  appeal  to  thinkers  of  his  time.  As  the  con- 
necting link  between  mystics  and  alchemists  he  represents 
another  great  seventeenth-century  movement.  The  intel- 
lectual or  scientific  side  of  Neoplatonism  was  represented  in 
England  quite  as  well  as  the  mystical  side,  and  seems  in  fact 

1  J.  H.  Shorthouse  has  told  the  story  of  Ferrar  in  John  Inglesant. 
See  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  for  biographies  of  Ferrar. 


5O  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

to  have  had  an  especially  popular  and  widespread  vogue 
in  the  years  between  1640  and  1670.  The  two  interests 
are  so  closely  associated  that  there  often  seems  no  line  of 
demarcation  whatever.  In  Everard's  translation  of  the 
Pymander  of  Hermes1  lies  the  evidence  that  the  quest 
for  the  philosopher's  stone  was  not  in  his  time  entirely 
the  material  demand  that  later  years  have  found  in  it,  but 
rather  another  expression  of  the  ever  present  quest  for  the 
spiritual  and  mystical  facts  of  life.  From  the  time  of  the 
appearance  in  England  of  the  writings  of  Robert  Fludd 
(1574-1637)  the  interest  in  alchemy  had  increased  enor- 
mously. Fludd  was  a  devoted  and  outspoken  follower  of 
Paracelsus,  less  original  perhaps  than  his  master,  but  more 
methodical,  and  like  him  a  chemist-physician  and  prolific 
writer.  His  apology  for  the  Rosicrucians  2  seems  to  have 
been  the  signal  for  the  appearance  in  England  of  a  strange 
literature,  devotional  and  quietistic,  theosophical  and  cabal- 
istic, mystical  and  alchemistic.  Typical  of  the  two  extremes 
of  Neoplatonism  are  the  many  translations  and  reprints 
of  The  Imitation  of  Christ*  and  the  reprints,  a  little 
later,  of  Cornelius  Agrippa,4  and  the  tracts  which  have 

1  The  Divine  Pymander  of  Hermes  Mercurius  Trismegistos  in 
XVII  Books,  Translated  formerly,  out  of  the  Arabick  into  Greek, 
and  thence  into  Latine,  and  Dutch,  and  now  out  of  the  original  into 
English  by  that  learned  Divine  Dr.  Everard,  London,  1650. 

1  Apologia  Compendiaria  Fratern-itatem  de  Rosencruce  suspicions 
.  .  .  maculis  aspersum,  Leyden,  1616. 

*  Thomas  a  Kempis :  The  Imitation  of  Christ,  London.  H.  Den- 
ham.  No  date. — Another  edition,  London,  1568;  another  edition, 
Thomas  Rogers,  London,  1596. — A  book  called  A  title  Garden  of 
Roses  or  holy  Meditations  written  first  in  Latyn  by  Thomas  a 
Kempis,  and  translated  into  English  by  A.  H.,  London.  H.  Blunden, 
1640. — Edited  by  John  Worthington,  1677. — Under  title  The  Chris- 
tian's Pattern,  1684:  The  following  of  Christ,  1685. 

4  Three  Books  of  Occult  Philosophy  .  .  .  by  Cornelius  Agrippa. 
Translated  by  J.  F.,  1650:  The  Glory  of  Women  by  .  .  ..  Agrippa. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  51 

come  down  to  us  associated  with  the  name  of  Hermes. 
Along  with  many  reprints  and  partial  elucidations  of  earlier 
English  alchemists,  such  as  those  of  Thomas  Vaughan 
(1622-1666)  and  the  famous  antiquarian  Elias  Ashmole 
(1617-1692),  were  published  also  translations  of  Para- 
celsus.1 At  least  two  treatises  of  Valentin  Weigel's  ap- 
peared in  English 2  and  there  is  later  mention  even  of  Para- 
celsians  and  Weigelians  8  as  English  sects.  Henry  More, 
like  John  Everard,  was  interested  in  all  phases  of  Neoplaton- 
ism.  More  proclaimed  adherence  to  the  principle  of  a 
"  light  within  "  as  the  ultimate  test  of  religious  truth ;  he 
read  Hermes  Trismegistos  and  Marsilius  Ficinus  * ;  his  Con- 
jectura  Cabbalistica  (1653)  5  gives  evidence  of  his  strong 

Translated  by  Edward  Fleetwood,  1652;  Agrippa — fourth  book. 
Translated  by  Robert  Turner,  1655. 

1  There  are  at  least  six  treatises  of  Paracelsus  in  the  Thomason 
Tracts,  published  between  1650  and  1657.  In  Works  of  Geber,  the 
•famous  Arabian  prince  and  philosopher.  Englished  by  Richard  Rus- 
sel,  Lover  of  Chymistry,  London,  1678.  P.  3  (to  reader)  :  "  For 
besides  the  large  volume  of  the  works  of  Raymund  Lully,  I  have 
Englished  the  greater  part  of  the  works  of  Paracelsus." 

'  Valentine  Weigelius :  Astrologia  Theologized.  Wherein  is  set 
forth  what  Astrologia  and  the  light  of  nature  is  .  .  .  London,  1649. 
At  the  end  of  Life  and  Death  of  Mr.  John  Cotton,  London,  1658, 
is  a  catalogue  of  some  books  printed  by  Lodowick  Lloyd  contain- 
ing Resignation  or  Self  Denial  by  Valentine  Wigelius. 

'Richard  Baxter:  One  Shot  against  the  Quakers,  London,  1657, 
pp.  1-13.  Also  in  his  Second  Sheet  for  the  Ministry,  etc.,  same 
year,  p.  12.  "  The  Anabaptists,  Socinians,  Swenkfeldians,  Familists, 
Paracelsians,  Weigelians,  and  such  like  have  no  more  to  show  for 
their  ministry  than  we,  but  their  errors,  and  are  so  few  and  so  lately 
sprung  up,  that  of  them  also  I  may  say,  that  he  that  taketh  them 
for  the  holy  church,  or  ministers,  is  either  out  of  the  faith,  or  much 
out  of  his  wits." 

4  John  Tulloch :  Rational  Theology  in  England  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century,  London,  1872,  II,  pp.  309-61. 

8  Conjectura  Cabbalistica,  or  attempt  to  interpret  the  Three  first 
Chapters  of  Genesis  in  a  threefold  manner — literal,  philosophical 
and  mystical  or  divinely  moral,  London,  1653. 


52  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

leaning  toward  spiritual  alchemy;  and  his  sympathy  with 
Joseph  Glanvil  in  the  belief  in  witchcraft  and  apparitions 
shows  that  even  these  most  degenerate  resultants  of  faith  in 
the  unity  of  all  life  were  still  active  agencies  even 
among  the  learned.  In  its  passionate  quest  for  truth 
the  seventeenth  century  did  not  discriminate.  It  made  no 
distinctions.  It  drew  no  line  between  (i)  theosophy,  or 
religious  and  ethical  teaching,  (2)  alchemy,  or  the  relation 
of  the  material  to  the  spiritual  and  the  transmutation  of  the 
material  into  the  spiritual,  and  (3)  magic,  or  the  employ- 
ment upon  the  physical  plane  of  the  higher  powers  latent 
in  man.  To  find  a  clear-cut  division  between  these  three 
elements  is  always  difficult  enough,  but  never  more  so 
than  in  the  writings  of  this  period.  The  beliefs  of  the  time 
were  equally  confused.  As  the  religious  interest  increased, 
and  with  it  the  confidence  in  the  power  of  the  "  inner  light," 
the  belief  in  the  ability  to  use  this  force  in  the  physical 
world  increased  likewise;  on  the  other  hand,  the  attempts 
to  transmute  material  into  spiritual  energy  could  lead  men 
only  to  a  deeper  belief  in  that  spiritual  energy.  Religious 
life  came  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  enthusiastic  stage.  In 
the  same  degree  those  great  progressive,  reformatory  de- 
sires of  the  time  increased,  desires  for  reforms  ecclesiasti- 
cal, educational,  and  social,  ambitions  for  greater  material 
comfort  and  advancement  for  the  many  instead  of  only  for 
the  few, — in  fact,  the  whole  Rosicrucian,  Utopian  ideal. 

As  a  result  of  this  widespread  spiritual  interest,  this  de- 
mand for  a  broader  life,  this  belief  in  present  inspiration 
and  revelation,  an  utter  dependence  upon  the  guiding 
power  of  the  "  inner  light "  became  the  impelling  motive 
of  Independency  as  early  as  the  year  1644.  In  the  power- 
ful emotions  of  the  times,  in  the  stormy  excitement  of 
civil  war,  these  beliefs  called  forth  a  religion  of  prophecy. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  53 

"  Methinks  I  see  in  my  mind  a  noble  and  puissant  nation 
rousing  herself  like  a  strong  man  after  sleep,  and  shaking 
her  invincible  locks :  methinks  I  see  her  as  an  eagle  renew- 
ing her  mighty  youth,  and  kindling  her  undazzled  eyes  at 
the  full  midday  beam;  purging  and  unsealing  her  long- 
abused  sight  at  the  fountain  itself  of  heavenly  radiance; 
while  the  whole  noise  of  timorous  and  flocking  birds,  with 
those  also  that  love  the  twilight,  flutter  about,  amazed  at 
what  she  means,  and  in  their  envious  gabble  would  prog- 
nosticate a  year  of  sects  and  schisms."  1  Thus  were  the 
times  characterized  by  one  who  stood  in  the  front  rank  of 
their  enthusiastic  supporters.  Under  these  stormy  victories 
the  Independents  grew  ever  stronger.  They  began  to  call 
themselves  "  The  kingdom  of  Christ's  saints  "  in  1644,  and 
were  popularly  spoken  of  as  "  the  saints,"  particularly  after 
the  triumph  of  Cromwell's  army.  Thus  their  faith  enlarged 
to  a  widespread  general  feeling  of  inspiration. 

An  enlarging,  expanding  power,  a  constructive,  spiritual 
energy  comes  in  times  of  great  stress  to  certain  persons, 
making  them  sure  of  their  alliance  with  a  Being  who  guar- 
antees the  ultimate  goodness  of  the  world.  The  influence 
of  unconscious  suggestion  from  social  environment  is  pres- 
ent in  this  experience  and  impresses  upon  it  a  temporal 
aspect.  The  actual  mystical  views  of  any  given  period,  the 
symbolism  through  which  these  inward  experiences  are  ex- 
pressed, the  revelations  which  come  to  spiritual  prophets, 
all  bear  the  mark  and  color  of  the  age  in  question.  But 
the  reformatory  power  and  historical  significance  of  these 
beliefs  and  revelations  are  attained,  not  through  the  sep- 
arated few  as  individuals,  but  through  the  few  as  repre- 
sentatives of  great  groups  of  people  who  have  the  will  and 
the  power  to  take  a  real  part  in  the  development  of  public 

1  Milton :  Areopagitica.    Prose  Works,  II,  p.  94. 


54  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

life.  One  proof  for  the  general  demand  of  the  seventeenth 
century  for  inspiration  lies  in  Pilgrim's  Progress.  The 
history  of  Bunyan's  spiritual  life  is  typical  of  all  the 
men  of  that  great  period  who  belonged  to  the  movement 
producing  Cromwell's  "  Ironsides."  Through  bitter  strug- 
gles of  soul  these  men  had  come;  they  must  make  their 
"  calling  and  election  "  sure.  They  had  visions  and  heard 
voices  divinely  expressive  of  the  great  tasks  before  them  in 
a  world-historic  epoch,  which  they  interpreted  as  belonging 
to  a  premillennial  time.  In  all  places,  and  particularly  after 
the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war,  there  were  these  apostles  of 
freedom  and  enthusiasm,  "  seeing  visions  and  dreaming 
dreams." 

According  to  the  general  polemic  method  of  the  age  every 
differing  opinion  was  considered  not  only  a  heresy  but  also 
as  the  foundation  of  a  new  sect.  "  The  Independent  partie 
grows,  but  the  Anabaptists  more,  and  the  Antinomians 
most," 1  writes  Baillie.  And  later,  "  Most  of  the  Inde- 
pendent partie  are  fallen  off  to  Anabaptisme,  Antinomian- 
isme  and  Socinianisme ;  the  rest  are  cutted  among  them- 
selves." 2  The  home  of  Anabaptism  remained  in  Holland. 
In  1643  tne  Anabaptists  published  their  articles  of  faith  and 
began  flooding  England  with  pamphlets  demanding  liberty 
of  conscience  for  all  sects.  At  this  time  they  were  merely 
opposed  to  infant  baptism  without  insisting  upon  a  second  or 
adult  submission  to  the  ceremony  and  were  but  slightly  at 
variance  with  the  other  sects.  The  missionaries  who  came 
over  at  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war  differed  only  in  name, 
not  in  practice,  from  the  "  saints."  Independency  repre- 
sented and  included  all  the  views  which  animated  the  en- 
thusiasts, and,  if  there  were  separate  meetings  for  the  dif- 

1  Baillie:  Letters,  IT,  p.  117. 
1  Baillie:  Letters,  II,  p.  191. 


ENGLISH  MYSTICISM  BEFORE  BOEHME  55 

ferent  so-called  sects,  this  resulted  from  some  personal 
choice  and  not  from  a  necessity  arising  from  differing  be- 
liefs. In  spite  of  the  many  eccentric  forms  that  the  teach- 
ings of  Independency  take,  they  all  hold  the  one  central  idea 
which  always  accompanies  "  enthusiasm  " :  the  demand  for 
reliance  upon  the  "  inner  light,"  the  origin  of  the  religious 
life  which  knows  no  earthly  history.  The  general  talk  of 
the  time  of  a  "  chaos  of  sects  "  rested  upon  a  misunderstand- 
ing.1 Pagitt  mentions  fourteen  different  sects  of  Anabap- 
tists alone,2  in  addition  to  all  the  other  various  sects.  But 
he  might  justly  include  them  all  under  his  "  Enthusiasts, 
who  pretend  that  they  have  the  gift  of  prophecy  by  dreams 
to  which  they  give  much  credit."  3  He  even  speaks  of  the 
sect  of  Divorcers  founded  by  "  Mr.  Milton,  who  permits  a 
man  to  put  away  his  wife  upon  his  own  pleasure,  without 
any  fault  in  her,  but  for  any  dislike  or  disparity  in  nature." 
Thomas  Edwards  refers  "  the  errors,  heresies,  blasphemies  to 
sixteen  heads  or  sorts  of  Sectaries.  .Yet  of  that  Army,  called 
by  the  Sectaries,  Independent,  and  of  that  part  of  it  which 
truly  is  so,  I  do  not  think  there  are  fifty  pure  Independents, 
but  higher  flown,  more  seraphicall  (as  a  Chaplain  who 
knows  well  the  state  of  that  Army,  expressed  it)  made  up 
and  compounded  of  Anabaptisme,  Antinomianisme,  En- 
thusiasme,  Arminianisme,  Familisme,  all  these  errors  and 
more  too  sometimes  meeting  in  the  same  persons  ...  in 
one  word,  the  great  Religion  of  that  sort  of  men  in  the 
Army,  is  liberty  of  conscience  and  liberty  of  preaching."  * 
Thus  religion  in  seventeenth-century  England  reached 
the  stage  of  enthusiasm.  Any  writings  catering  to  any  de- 


1  Weingarten,  p.  109. 

1  Pagitt :  Heresiografihy,  p.  35. 

*  Pagitt :  Heresiography,  p.  36. 

*  Thomas  Edwards :  Gangraena,  London,  1643,  I,  p.  13. 


56  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

sire  to  transcend  the  ordinary  bounds  of  human  life  might 
properly  expect  to  find  printers  and  publishers,  readers  and 
public  eager  and  expectant,  and  such  writings  would  come 
in  answer  to  the  ever-increasing  demand. 

In  a  soil  thus  receptive  to  all  Neoplatonic  thought 
and  feeling,  the  seeds  of  Boehmenistic  teaching  might  be 
expected  to  thrive.  At  the  beginning  of  the  great  sect-form- 
ing period,  the  works  of  Boehme  began  to  appear  in  Lon- 
don.1 Between  1644  an^  J662  his  complete  works  were  pub- 
lished in  English,  sometimes  two  or  more  at  a  time,  some- 
times singly.  Their  spread,  moreover,  was  not  confined  to 
printed  works  alone;  in  England  as  on  the  continent  they 
passed  in  MS.  from  hand  to  hand.  Part  of  the  works  ap- 
peared in  Latin ;  all  of  them  had  appeared  in  Dutch.  Often 
the  Dutch  edition  had  preceded  the  German  edition;  both 
were  usually  printed  in  Amsterdam.  Occasionally  even 
the  English  edition  preceded  the  German,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  Forty  Questions  and  the  Clavis.  Most  of  the 
English  translations  were  made  and  published  by  John  Spar- 
row (1615-1665),  a  London  advocate  who  had  been  an  of- 
ficer in  Cromwell's  army.  A  relative  of  Sparrow's,  John 
Ellistone,  and  a  printer,  Humphrey  Blunden,  who  learned 
German  for  the  purpose,  finished  the  translation.  The 
books  were  sold  openly  by  Blunden  and  a  man  named  Lodo- 
wick  Lloyd  in  their  stores  near  the  London  Exchange.2 

1  See  Bibliography  for  complete  list  of  works  with  dates  of  pub- 
lication, translation,  etc. 
*A.  W.  Boehme:  Reformation  der  Kirche  in  England,  p.  924. 


Ill 

BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND 

THE  interest  in  Boehme  in  England  after  1644  soon 
became  widespread,  and  extended  in  many  directions.  It 
can  be  traced  in  the  religious,  political,  scientific,  and  literary 
life  of  the  time.  In  the  case  of  the  religious  interest,  the 
relationship  was  at  first  hand  and  acknowledgment  was 
frequently  made  to  Boehme's  writings.  The  political  sit- 
uation shows  some  degree  of  similarity :  certain  sects  in 
which  Boehme's  teachings  were  one  of  the  formative  in- 
fluences became  for  a  time  political  rather  than  religious 
factors.  In  literature  and  science,  acknowledgment  was 
made  less  openly.  To  profess  an  interest  in  books  that  were 
read  by  enthusiasts  and  sectarians  was,  to  say  the  least,  not 
consistent  with  dignity.  Between  poor  sectarians  and  men 
of  rank  and  social  importance  there  was  little  or  no 
friendliness  until  the  time  of  the  hard-won  sympathy  toward 
a  few  Quakers,  more  than  ten  years  after  Boehme's  writings 
began  to  be  known. 

The  first  printed  mention  in  England  of  Jakob  Boehme  is 
the  anonymous  "Life"  published  in  1644:  The  Life  of 
one  Jacob  Boehme:  who  although  he  were  a  Very  Meane 
man,  yet  wrote  the  most  IVonderfull  deepe  Knowledge  in 
Naturall  and  Divine  Things  that  any  hath  been  knowne  to 
doe  since  the  Apostles  Times;  wherein  is  contained  a  perfect 
catalogue  of  his  works.  London.  Printed  by  L.  N.  for 
Richard  Whitaker.  1644. — The  mode  of  appearance  of 
Boehme's  works  in  England  followed  closely  that  in  Ger- 

57 


58  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

many  and  Holland,  where  learned  men  were  the  first  to 
embrace  his  teachings  and  disseminate  his  writings.  These 
writings  likewise  spread  abroad  and  were  widely  read  in 
manuscript,  in  England  as  on  the  continent.  In  the 
British  Museum  is  a  translation  evidently  of  part  of  the 
Mysterium  Magnum  (not  published  until  1654),  a  beauti- 
fully written  manuscript  of  223  folios,  dated  I644.1  There 
exists  also  a  beautiful,  carefully  bound  manuscript  copy  of 
the  Way  to  Christ,  dated  i647-2  This  was  printed  in 
1648,  a  second  edition  in  1656.  This  collection  of  short 
tracts  Ritschl  considered  the  most  generally  popular  of 
Boehme's  writings.  In  July,  1853,  a  contributor  to  Notes 
and  Queries,*  asking  for  information  regarding  Boehme, 
states  that  he  possesses  manuscript  copies  in  English  of 
Theosophic  Letters,  Way  to  Christ,  Concerning  the  Earthly 
and  the  Heavenly  Mystery,  and  Of  the  Supersensual  Life. 
Various  facts  regarding  Boehme  and  the  spread  of  his 
writings  in  England  come  out  in  Sparrow's  prefaces.  In 
his  "  To  the  English  Reader,"  in  the  Election  of  Grace, 
or  Predestination,  Sparrow  holds  that  "  the  Author  Dis- 
putes not  at  all,  he  desires  only  to  Confer  and  Offer  his 
understanding  and  ground  of  Interpreting  the  Texts  on 
Both  sides,  ...  for  the  Conjoyning,  Uniting  and  Recon- 

1  Harleian  MS.  1821 :  "  The  most  remarkable  History  of  Joseph. 
Mystically  expounded  and  interpreted  according  as  it  is  layd  downe 
in  ye  Holy  Scripture :  Beginning  at  ye  36th  Chapter  of  Genesis  and 
continuing  to  ye  end  of  ye  booke.  Wherein  is  represented  and  pour- 
trayed  The  exact  and  lively  patterne  of  a  True  Resigned  Christian, 
together  with  the  whole  processe  of  a  Regenerate  man  according 
to  the  mystery  of  the  new  Birth  in  Christ,  both  in  his  Tryall  and 
Perseverance  and  also  in  his  honour  and  exaltacon.  Written  by 
Jacob  Boehme  Teutonicus.  Translated  out  of  the  German  Toungue 
A.D.  1644." 

*  Kindly  lent  me  by  Dr.  S.  P.  Sherman,  University  of  Illinois. 

*  Notes  and  Queries,  ist  series,  VIII,  p.  13. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  59 

ciling  of  all  Parties  in  Love."  Sparrow  emphasizes  our 
need  of  the  "  inner  light "  and  rejoices  "  that  God  hath 
bestowed  so  great  a  Gift  and  Endowment  upon  this  Brother 
of  Ours,  Jacob  Behm." *  In  the  preface  to  the  Three 
Principles,  Sparrow  mentions  the  benefits  that  may  be 
expected  from  the  study  of  Boehme's  writings.  As  a 
lawyer,  the  first  thing  Sparrow  notes  and  mentions  is: 
"  among  the  rest  there  is  a  hint  about  reforming  the  laws, 
by  degrees,  in  every  nation;  and  there  is  no  doubt,  but  if 
those  in  whose  hands  it  is  to  make  laws,  did  but  consider 
what  the  Spirit  of  God  is,  and  may  be  stirred  up  in  them, 
they  would  stir  him  up  and  make  a  reformation  according  to 
that  spirit  of  love,  the  Holy  Ghost.  And  then  they  would  be 
God's  true  vicegerants;  they  would  be  the  fathers  of  their 
country,  and  deal  with  every  obstinate  rebellious  member 
in  the  kingdom  as  a  father  would  do  with  a  disobedient 
child.  .  .  .  God  taketh  such  care  for  us  all,  though  we  be 
most  obstinate  enemies  against  him;  and  we  should  do  so 
for  all  our  brethren,  the  sons  of  Adam ;  though  they  be  our 
enemies,  we  should  examine  their  wants  and  supply  them, 
that  necessity  may  not  compel  them  to  be  our  enemies  still, 
and  offend  God,  that  they  may  but  live.  If  they  will  .  .  . 
turn  murderers,  let  them  be  provided  for  as  other  more 
friendly  children  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  removed  to  live 
by  themselves,  in  some  remote  uninhabited  country  .  .  . 
with  means  for  an  honest  subsistence.  .  .  .  Then  all  hearts 
will  bless  the  hands  of  such  reformers  and  love  will  cover  all 
the  ends  of  the  earth." 2  In  his  preface  to  his  second 
edition  of  the  Forty  Questions,  1665,  Sparrow  tells  us: 
"When  this  book  was  first  printed  (1647)  I  endeavored, 
by  a  friend,  to  present  one  of  them  to  His  Majesty  King 

1  Election  of  Grace,  or  Predestination,  London,  1655. 

1  C.  J.  Barker's  edition  of  Three  Principles,  XVI,  XVII. 


60  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Charles,  that  then  was,  who  vouchsafed  the  perusal  of  it. 
About  a  month  after  was  desired  to  say  what  he  thought 
of  the  book,  who  answered,  that  if  the  publishers  in  English 
seemed  to  say  of  the  author,  that  he  was  no  scholar,  and 
if  he  were  not,  he  did  believe  that  the  Holy  Ghost  was  now 
in  men,  but  if  he  were  a  scholar,  it  was  one  of  the  best 
inventions  that  ever  he  read.  I  need  not  add  the  censure 
of  any  other  person;  knowing  none  to  compare  with  this, 
one  way  or  other."  * 

Sparrow's  first  translations  were  Forty  Questions  and 
the  Claris,  published  in  1647.  The  year  before  a  pub- 
lic discourse  on  Boehme  had  been  held  by  Charles 
Hotham  "  in  the  publicke  Schooles  of  the  University  of 
Cambridge  at  the  Commencement,  March  3,  1646."  Charles 
Hotham  (1615-^.  1672)  was  one  of  the  earliest  of  Boehme's 
learned  admirers.  He  received  his  degree  at  Cambridge, 
was  appointed  fellow  of  Peterhouse,  1644,  university 
preacher  and  proctor,  1646.  He  was  regarded  as  a  man 
of  very  great  eminence  in  learning  and  strictness  in 
religion  and  conduct.  In  his  younger  days  he  studied 
astrology  and  afterwards  had  a  love  for  chemistry  and 
was  a  searcher  into  the  secrets  of  nature.  In  1667  he 
became  a  member  of  the  Royal  Society.  The  discourse  on 
Boehme,  Ad  Philosophiam  Teutonicam  Manductio,  was 
published  in  1648  by  Humphrey  Blunden.  It  was  dedicated 
to  the  chancellor,  senate,  and  students  of  Cambridge,  and 
contained  some  verses  by  Henry  More,  commending  the 
author  but  professing  ignorance  regarding  Boehme  due  to 
the  difficult  language  and  style  of  his  writings.  In  1650 
the  pamphlet  appeared  in  an  English  translation  by  Charles's 
brother  Durant  Hotham.2 

1  C.  J.  Barker's  edition  of  Forty  Questions,  XVI,  XVII. 

*  An  Introduction   to   the    Teutonick   Philosophic.    Being  a  de- 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  61 

In  his  "  Epistle  Dedicatory  "  to  the  pamphlet,  Charles 
Hotham  shows  that  he  is  reading  Boehme  the  philosopher 
and  scientist  rather  than  Boehme  the  mystic  or  religious 
reformer :  "  Whatsoever  the  Thrice-great  Hermes  deliver'd 
as  Oracles  from  his  Propheticall  Tripos,  or  Pythagoras 
spake  by  authority,  or  Socrates  debated,  or  Aristotle 
affirmed,  yea,  whatever  divine  Plato  prophesied,  or  Plo- 
tinus  proved;  this,  and  all  this,  or  a  far  higher  and  pro- 
founder  Philosophy  is  (I  think)  contained  in  the  Teu- 
tonicks  writings."  He  seemed  also  to  believe 1  that  an 
abiding  interest  in  Boehme  had  been  started  in  Cambridge : 
"  I  doubt  not  but  the  height  of  what  I  have  promised  will 
be  abundantly  performed  by  the  Authors  Book  of  the  Three 
Principles,  which  as  I  am  informed,  is  now  at  schoole,  and 
will  in  a  few  months  be  taught  in  our  language." 

Durant  Hotham's  note  "  from  the  translator  to  the 
Author  "  probably  represents  the  feeling  of  many  of  his 
contemporaries :  "  Translations  are  things  very  difficult, 
especially  when  the  notion  is  uncouth.  Yet  hath  this  been 
my  chiefe  inducement  to  adventure  upon  this  assay;  my 
aim  being  to  make  the  notion  familiar,  by  transplanting 
into  our  native  soile  ...  in  truth  it  is  very  hard  to  write 
good  English  and  few  have  attained  to  its  height  in  this 
last  frie  of  Books,  but  Mr.  Milton.  As  to  the  matter  and 
author  of  the  Teutonick  Philosophy,  which  you  here  ab- 
breviate ;  though  you  know  I  alwaies  affected  it  and  him, 
yet  durst  never  saile  into  the  ocean  of  his  vast  conceits  with 
my  little  skull,  me  thought  the  reading  of  him  was  like  the 

termination  concerning  the  Original  of  the  Soul:  viz,  Whether  it 
be  immediately  created  by  God,  and  infus'd  into  the  Body;  or  trans- 
mitted from  the  Parent.  By  C.  Hotham,  one  of  the  Fellows  of 
Peter-House.  .  .  .  Englished  by  D.  F.  London.  Printed  by  T.  M. 
and  A.  C.  for  Nath.  Brooks,  1650. 
1  End  of  Dedicatory  Epistle. 


62  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

standing  upon  a  precipice  or  by  a  cannon  shott  off,  the 
waft  of  them  lickt  up  all  my  brains.  I  confess  your  intro- 
ductio  hath  made  me  something  more  steady  and  his  notions 
more  familiar  and  I  have  found  some  inkling  of  them  in 
scripture,  so  have  shaken  hands  with  less  suspicion.  .  .  . 
In  my  opinion  whoever  reads  this  scheme  of  the  world's 
creation,  and  birth  of  the  soul  may  make  excellent  use  of  it, 
receiving  his  noble  descent  from  these  eternal  essences,  and 
shame  to  bemire  himself  in  that  swinelike  refreshment  and 
wallowing  in  cold  dirty  mire." 

Durant  Hotham  became  a  justice  of  the  peace.  For 
many  years  he  lived  in  Yorkshire,  engaged  in  scientific 
pursuits.  In  1654  he  published  a  life  of  Boehme  for  which 
Humphrey  Blunden  furnished  him  the  material.  We  shall 
find  him  later  in  friendly  agreement  with  George  Fox  and 
his  teachings. 

This  interest  in  Boehme  as  a  scientist  and  natural  philoso- 
pher comes  out  also  in  one  of  Sparrow's  prefaces.  He 
writes  "  To  the  Earnest  Lovers  of  Wisdome : *  Learned  men, 
Selden,  Sir  Francis  Bacon,  Comenius,  Pellius,  Du  Chartes 
.  .  .  these,  and  some  others  in  their  kind  have  gone -as 
farre,  as  the  naturall  facultie  of  man's  outward  reason  can 
reach;  this  author  Jacob  Behmen  esteemeth  not  only  his 
owne  outward  reason,  but  acknowledgeth  to  have  received 
a  higher  gift  from  God,  freely  bestowed  upon  him,  and 
left  it  in  writing,  for  the  good  of  those  that  should  live 
after  him.  ...  In  his  writings  he  hath  discovered  such  a 
Ground  and  such  Principles,  as  doe  reach  into  the  deepest 
mysteries  of  Nature,  and  lead  to  the  attaining  of  the  highest 
powerful  naturall  wisdome,  such  as  was  amongst  the  ancient 
philosophers,  Hermes  Trismegistos,  Zoroaster,  Pythagoras, 
Plato,  and  other  deep  men,  conversant  in  the  operative 

1  Forty  Questions,  1647. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  63 

mysteries  of  nature;  and  the  moderne  Trevisanus,  Ray- 
mundus,  Lullius,  Paracelsus,  Sendivogius  and  others;  by 
which  men  will  be  satisfied,  that  not  only  they  have  gotten, 
but  that  wee  also  may  get  that  Lapis  Philosophorum  the 
Philosopher's  stone  indeed.  ...  By  the  study  of  these 
writings,  men  may  come  to  know  .  .  .  how  all  the  reall 
differences  of  opinions,  of  all  sorts,  may  be  reconciled ;  even 
the  nicest  differences  of  the  most  learned  Criticks  in  all 
ages:  that  which  seemeth  different  in  the  writings  of  the 
profound  magicall  mysticall  chimick  Philosophers,  from 
that  which  we  find  in  the  experimentall  Physicians,  Astron- 
omers, Astrologers  and  Mathematicians  may  be  reconciled 
by  considering  what  this  author  teacheth." 

Neither  Sparrow  nor  the  Hothams  were  sectarians.  Spar- 
row *  resorted  to  mysticism  as  a  refuge  from  the  sectarian 
religions  of  his  time;  Charles  and  Durant  Hotham  were 
orthodox  churchmen.  The  spread  in  England  of  Neopla- 
tonic  ideas  was  not  at  all  confined  to  the  confessedly  re- 
ligious sects.  The  fundamental  thoughts  of  Independency, 
the  origin  and  development  of  which  are  sketched  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  were  closely  related  to  those  of  the  free 
societies  or  academies  of  the  seventeenth  century.  In  fact 
so  nearly  identical  are  the  ideals  of  the  sects  and  of  the 
free  societies  that  at  times  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  two  forms  of  organization.  They 

1  There  is  evidence  to  show  that  Hartlib  was  acquainted  with 
Sparrow.  May  19,  1659,  Hartlib  wrote  to  Boyle :  "  This  day  parlia- 
ment past  an  act  for  constituting  John  Sadler,  John  Sparrow  and 
Samuel  Moyer  judges  for  probate  of  wills."  (Works  of  Boyle,  Vol. 
VI,  p.  126.)  The  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  states  that  in 
J6S9  "  John  Sadler,  Taylor,  Whitelock  and  others  were  appointed 
judges  for  probate  of  wills"  (article  on  Sadler).  Hartlib  knew 
Sadler;  full  of  detail  and  news  as  his  letters  are,  it  is  doubtful  if 
he  would  mention  facts  about  mere  names  that  held  no  interest  for 
himself  or  the  recipient  of  his  news. 


64  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

wrought  toward  the  same  end.  "  Humanism  on  the  one 
hand  and  Anabaptism  on  the  other  have  contributed,"  says 
Troeltsch,1  "  in  the  realms  of  ethics  and  human  rights, 
more  than  the  older  Protestantism  to  the  formation  of  the 
modern  world." 

The  word  "  humanism  "  took  its  origin  in  antiquity  and 
meant  then  the  purely  human,  or  the  ideal  humanity  to  which 
mankind  might  be  educated.  When  in  the  church  of  the 
Middle  Ages  the  depravity  of  human  nature  since  Adam 
became  the  dominant  teaching,  the  belief  in  this  humanistic 
ideal  became  officially  impossible.  Yet  we  have  seen  how 
the  belief  lived  on  and  how  it  was  fostered  by  continued 
organized  activity  which  leads  from  the  teachings  of  Ploti- 
nus  by  way  of  the  Neoplatonic  academies,  by  way  of  the 
mystics  and  heretics,  to  the  brotherhoods  and  academies  of 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 

In  England  in  1645  an  academy,  the  "  invisible  college  " 
or  Academia  Londoniensis  was  founded  by  Theodor  Haak, 
a  German  who  studied  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge  in  1625, 
and  returned  to  England  in  1629  after  a  few  years  spent 
on  the  continent.  Haak  was  a  public-spirited  man,  zealous 
for  the  progress  of  all  learning,  a  friend  of  Comenius. 
There  is  evidence  also  of  other  "  free  societies  "  in  England 
about  this  time.2  It  was  the  society  founded  by  Haak,  how- 
ever, that  at  the  time  of  the  Restoration  (1660)  was  char- 
tered by  Charles  II  as  the  "  Royal  Society." 

Under  Cromwell's  protection  the  members  of  the  London 
Academy  were  not  obliged  to  conceal  their  purpose  abso- 
lutely. Nevertheless  a  great  deal  of  obscurity  still  surrounds 
the  "  invisible  college,"  or  "  collegium  philosophicum,"  as  it 

1 "  Bedeutung  des  Protestantismus  f  iir  die  Entstehung  der  Mo- 
dernen  Welt."    Quoted,  M.  C.  G.,  XV,  p.  265. 
3  M.  C.  G.,  XVI,  p.  244. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  65 

was  also  called.  Many  of  the  members  are  known  to  us 
as  personal  friends  of  Milton.  Samuel  Hartlib,  who  came 
to  London  in  1628,  was  surely  known  to  Milton  as  early 
as  1644.  In  the  correspondence  between  Hartlib  and 
Robert  Boyle  Milton's  name  is  mentioned  several  times. 
Through  Boyle's  nephew  Richard  Jones,  Earl  of  Ranelagh — 
one  of  Milton's  pupils — the  poet's  acquaintance  with  Hein- 
rich  Oldenburg  of  Bremen  took  on  a  deeper  personal  in- 
terest. Oldenburg  was  also  father-in-law  of  John  Dury, 
likewise  a  member  of  the  "  invisible  college,"  a  friend  of 
Milton,  and  also  one  of  Hartlib's  early  friends. 

The  ideals  and  plans  of  the  "  college  "  and  its  close  rela- 
tion to  similar  societies  on  the  continent — a  relation  shown 
by  the  recurring  mention  of  the  names  of  continental  leaders 
— are  well  outlined  in  Hartlib's  correspondence,  which  was 
carried  on  not  only  with  all  the  countries  of  Europe,  but 
with  the  West  Indies  and  the  North  American  English 
colonies,  and  dealt  with  religion,  politics,  science,  literature, 
schools  and  universities,  useful  inventions  and  social  im- 
provements. These  ideas  are  also  brought  out  in  Hartlib's 
various  activities  ;  he  was  "  the  zealous  solicitor  of  Christian 
peace  amongst  all  nations,  the  constant  friend  of  distressed 
strangers,  the  true-hearted  lover  of  our  native  country,  the 
sedulous  advancer  of  ingenius  acts  and  profitable  sciences,"  l 
a  man  whose  activity  in  spreading  knowledge  and  whose 
zeal  in  doing  good  bore  fruit  in  mitigating  the  severe  pres- 
sure of  seventeenth-century  conditions.  It  would  be  im- 
possible to  enumerate  his  various  attempts  for  the  mental, 
moral,  and  material  advancement  of  society  by  publication 

1  Dedication  to  Hartlib  in  Beale's  Herefordshire  Orchards  a  Pat- 
tern for  all  England,  London,  1657.  Quoted,  Washington's  Diary, 
I,  p.  iv. 


66  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

and  correspondence,  by  the  establishment  of  institutions, 
by  philanthropic  enterprise,  public  and  private. 

Whether  Hartlib  came  to  England  originally  as  an  agent 
for  John  Dury  in  the  interest  of  a  union  of  all  Protestant 
churches  is  not  quite  certain.1  Assuredly  he  was  deeply 
interested  in  the  project  from  1630  on,  when  Dury  came 
to  London.  From  Dury's  "  Platform  of  the  Journeys  that 
must  be  undertaken  for  the  work  of  Peace  Ecclesiastical 
and  other  profitable  ends,"  2  we  can  see  how  far-reaching 
and  inclusive  the  plans  of  Hartlib  and  Dury  were.  The 
Platform  discusses  first  the  main  project  of  gaining  every- 
where influential  persons  to  help  in  the  advancement  of 
"  Peace  in  the  Churches."  It  then  discusses  the  minor  con- 
sideration "  as  tyme  and  leisure  shall  permit  to  gather  and 
observe  severall  things  of  great  profitt."  The  minor  con- 
siderations of  the  platform  follow : 

"Things  to  be  gathered:  i.  All  rare  Bookes.  2.  All  Inventions 
and  Feats  of  Practice  in  all  Sciences. — For  bookes  I  will  not  only 
cataloguize  them,  to  know  their  Titles  and  contents  in  what  Lan- 
guage soever  they  bee,  but  also  will  seeke  out  how  and  where  they 
may  bee  purchased  and  chiefly,  I  will  lay  hold  of  MS.  that  we  may 
have  either  the  Autographon  or  the  copy  of  them.  For  Inventions 
and  Industries,  I  will  seeke  for  such  chiefly  as  may  advance  learn- 
ing and  good  manners  in  the  Universities,  Schools  and  Common- 
weales;  next  for  such  as  may  bee  profitable  to  the  health  of  the 
body,  to  the  Preservation  and  Encrease  of  wealth  by  trades  and 
mechanical  Industries,  either  by  Sea  or  Land;  either  in  Peace  or 
Warre. 

"  Things  to  be  observed : 

"  i.  The  proceedings  and  Intentions  of  the  Reformators  whom 
this  latter  time  hath  brought  forth  in  Germany ;  that  we  may  [know] 
the  things  wherein  they  are  thought  to  excell  former  ages  and  other 
societies  which  are  these: 

(i)  Some  Extraordinary  meanes  to  perfeit  the  knowledge  and 
unvail  the  mysteryes  of  the  Propheticall  scriptures. 

1  Althaus :  Samuel  Hartlib,  pp.  197-202. 
1 B.  M.  Sloane  MS.  654,  ff.  247-49. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  67 

(2)  Meanes  to  perfeit  the  knowledge  of  the  Orientall  tongues 
and  to  gaine  abilities  fitt  to  deale  with  the  Jewes,  whose  calling  is 
supposed  to  be  neere  at  hand. 

(3)  Arts  and  Sciences,  Philosophicall,  Chymicall  and  Mechanicall; 
whereby  not  only  the  Secrets  of  Disciplines  are  harmonically  and 
compendiously  delivered,  but  also  the  Secrets  of  Nature  are  thought 
to  be  unfolded.  .  .  . 

(4)  A  magical  Language  whereby  secrets  may  be  delivered  and 
preserved  to  such  as  are  made  acquaint  with  it  traditionally.  .   .   . 

"2.  The  State  of  the  Churches  in  Germany:  to  know  all  the  Sects, 
Divisions  and  Subdivisions  of  them  that  profess  Christ  in  those 
places  with  their  particular  and  different  Opinions,  and  the  Circum- 
stances, Occasions,  Causes  and  Effects  of  the  Controversies,  as  for 
example  of  the  Socinians,  Anabaptists,  Swenkfeldians,  Familists, 
Weigelians,  Nagelians  and  to  purchase  the  chiefe  bookes  of  all  their 
Tenents,  and  to  observe  the  differences  of  their  Churches,  orders 
and  customs  serving  either  for  Decence  or  Discipline." 

Boehme  and  the  Behmenists  were  not  known  in  England 
until  several  years  after  this  document  was  written.  If 
Dury  carried  out  his  plan  of  learning  about  German  sects, 
he  must,  in  his  many  years  spent  in  Germany  and  Holland, 
have  come  across  the  Behmenists  just  as  well  as  he  came 
across  the  Weigelians  and  the  Familists.  Judging  by  the 
fragments  that  we  have  of  his  voluminous  correspondence 
we  come  to  the  conclusion  that  he  immediately  communi- 
cated his  knowledge  of  the  Behmenists  to  Hartlib,  his  faith- 
ful friend  and  co-worker. 

Hartlib's  interest  in  a  union  of  churches  does  not  lead 
us  to  expect  in  him  an  ardent  partisan  of  any  special 
creed.  With  the  other  men  of  his  class  he  was  decidedly 
opposed  to  the  "  riot  of  sectaries  "  in  England.  Neverthe- 
less, he  had  friends  among  the  Puritans;  that  he  was  in 
sympathy  with  the  Independents  in  their  demand  for  tolera- 
tion is  shown  by  one  of  his  publications.1  Among  his 

1 A  short  Letter  modestly  entreating  a  friend's  judgment  uf>on 
Mr.  Edwards  his  Booke  he  calleth  an  Anti-Apologia;  with  a  large 


68  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

friends  abroad  there  were  outspoken  Separatists.  So 
early  as  1650  he  corresponded  with  the  Hebrew  scholar, 
Adam  Boreel  of  Amsterdam,1  who  had  denied  the  authority 
of  church  and  creed  and  had  joined  the  Dutch  sect  of  Col- 
legiants.  The  Collegiants,  however,  believed  in  the  "  inner 
light."  In  spite  of  strict  adherence  to  the  orthodox 
faith,  Dury  shared  this  belief.  In  a  book  published  by 
Hartlib,  Dury  insists  that  "  the  sufficient  qualification  of 
ministers  is  the  gift  of  God's  Spirit  in  them,"  2  and  that  "  the 
nearer  prospect  [of  understanding  the  mysteries  of  Scrip- 
ture] is  the  inward  testimonie  of  Jesus  who  is,  to  all  that 
believe  in  him,  the  immediate  wisdom  and  the  power  of 
God."  3  The  spirit  of  Andreae's  reformation  and  Christian 
college  or  society  is  the  spirit  of  Dury's  Seasonable  Dis- 
course, briefly  "  shewing  i.  What  the  grounds  and  methods 
of  our  Reformation  ought  to  be  in  Religion,  and  Learning, 
2.  How  even  in  these  times  of  distraction  the  worke  may  be 

but  modest  answer  thereto.  London,  1644.  The  "  short  Letter " 
signed  Sam.  Hartlib,  is  addressed  to  Hezekiah  Woodward,  a  Puri- 
tan, whom  Hartlib  had  known  since  1628;  Woodward's  answer  is 
directed  against  Edwards,  and  argues  for  toleration. 

1 B.  M.  Sloane  MS.  649,  f .  40,  copy  of  letter  from  Hartlib  to 
Boreel,  Feb.  8,  1650.  Boreel  is  often  mentioned  in  Hartlib's  corre- 
spondence with  Worthington  and  with  Boyle. 

1 A  Seasonable  Discourse.  Written  by  Mr.  John  Dury  upon  the 
earnest  request  of  many.  Published  by  Samuel  Hartlib,  London, 
1649,  p.  5. 

*  Claris  Apocalyptica;  or,  the  Revelation  Revealed.  In  which  the 
great  Mysteries  in  the  Revelation  of  St.  John  and  the  Prophet 
Daniel  are  opened ;  It  being  made  apparent  that  the  Prophetical 
numbers  come  to  an  end  with  the  Year  of  our  Lord  1655.  Written 
by  a  German  DD  and  for  the  rareness  of  the  Subject,  and  benefit 
of  the  English  nation  translated  out  of  High  Dutch.  The  second 
edition,  much  enlarged  and  many  things  explained  for  the  capacitie 
of  the  weaker  sort.  London.  1651.  Dedicated  to  Oliver  St.  John 
by  Samuel  Hartlib.  An  Epistolical  Discourse  from  Mr.  John  Durie 
...  by  waie  of  Preface,  p.  24. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  69 

advanced,  By  the  knowledge  of  Oriental  tongues  and  Jew- 
ish mysteries,  By  an  Agency  for  the  advancement  of  Uni- 
versal Learning."  1  Before  1636  Dury  wrote  that  he  was 
exceedingly  pleased  by  the  Dextra  amoris.2  He  also 
wrote  Andreae,  asking  his  assistance  in  the  plan  of  ecclesi- 
astical union.3 

The  correspondence  between  Hartlib  and  Comenius  had 
important  results;  not  only  did  Hartlib  publish  many  of 
Comenius's  writings  on  educational  reform,  but  he  also 
induced  Parliament  in  1641  to  extend  to  Comenius  an  in- 
vitation to  visit  England.  The  outbreak  of  the  civil  war 
(1649)  prevented  these  two  men  from  carrying  out  their 
plans  for  a  general  school  reform.  Comenius,  during  his 
six  months'  stay  in  London,  wrote  Via  lucis,  in  the 
eighteenth  chapter  of  which  he  suggested,  as  a  helpful 
method  for  spreading  light  (knowledge)  among  all  peoples, 
the  founding  of  a  higher  and  uniform  organization  which 
should  unite  all  of  the  existing  societies  in  the  various 
countries  under  a  new  name;  he  suggested  also  that  the 
English  brotherhood  should  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
undertaking.  "  All  the  colleges,  societies,  and  fraternities," 

1  From  Seasonable  Discourse,  title  page.    See  note  2,  p.  68. 

1 B.  M.  Sloane  MS.  417.  Excerpta  Literarum  de  Rebus  Eccle- 
siasticis  et  Eruditione  anni  1638.  Johannis  Duraei.  (In  Hartlib's 
writing.)  f.  3b.  "  Die  Dextra  Amoris  [Andreae's  Christiani  amoris 
dextra  forrecta,  1620]  gefallet  mir  iiber  alle  Massen  wol,  undt 
scheinet  der  Author  derselben  ein  man  summae  pietatis  and  solidis- 
simi  judicii  zu  sein.  Es  were  nur  zu  wunschen,  dasselbige  ihren 
effect  erreichete,  oder  noch  erreichen  mochte,  so  wiirde  gewiss  nicht 
so  viel  Gottlosigkeit  und  unchristliches  wesen  inter  ipsos  creditos 
Christianos  gefunden  werden.  Sed  non  ita  bene  agitur  cum  rebus 
humanis,  ut  meliora  pluribus  placeant.  Sonst  habe  ich  zufor  von 
dergleichen  Collegio  niemals  gehb'ret,  viel  weniger  von  einem  fiirsten 
der  solches  furhaben  hatte  befordern  wollen."  [Undated.  Next 
heading,  f.  21,  dated  10  Nov.,  1636.] 

1  B.  M.  Sloane  654,  f .  24b.    Dated  Sept.,  1633. 


70  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

said  he,  "  which  have  formerly  secretly  and  openly  existed, 
have  been  of  some  assistance,  it  is  true,  for  theology  and 
philosophy,  but  only  for  a  part  of  mankind,  not  the  whole."  * 
He  wished  to  call  the  organization  "  Collegium  lucis  ''  and 
its  members  "  ministri  lucis."  It  was  to  be  founded  on  the 
three  sources  of  knowledge,  the  book  of  nature,  the  Scrip- 
tures, and  the  inborn  ideas  or  inner  light ;  these  three  sources 
he  called  the  teachings  of  Pansophia.  After  the  general 
reformation  of  Christendom  was  effected,  the  work  should 
be  extended  to  include  the  Mohammedans,  heathen,  and 
Jews.  The  pamphlet  De  rerum  humanarum  emandatione 
consultatio  catholica  ad  genus  humanwn  ante  alios  ad  eru- 
ditos  Europae,  written  by  Comenius,  1645,  was  to  further 
this  plan  for  union  and  progress.  Hartlib  proceeded  to  gain 
the  interest  of  influential  men  in  various  places — the  Via 
lucis  was  sent  in  manuscript  to  the  Swedish  Chancellor 
Oxenstierna  and  to  others — with  the  intention  of  finally 
making  public  the  results.  Hartlib  thus  indicated  that 
secrecy  in  these  societies  was  not  an  end  in  itself  but  only 
at  times  an  undesirable  means  and  necessity. 

There  is  evidence  of  the  direct  influence  of  Boehme's 
writings  on  the  theology  of  Comenius,2  in  whom  the 
broader  humanistic  tendencies  and  mystical  religious  feeling 
were  closely  united.  The  similar  way  in  which  Boehme  and 
Comenius  treat  nature  and  inspiration  (or  inner  wisdom)— 
Sophia  in  Boehme,  Pansophia  in  Comenius — is  at  once  evi- 
dent. It  is  hardly  possible  that  these  two  men  had  any 
personal  acquaintance,  although  Comenius  was  born  in  Bo- 
hemia and  Boehme  near  the  Bohemian  frontier ;  Comenius 
was  only  a  few  years  old  when  Boehme  started  on  his  Wan- 
derjahre,  the  unrecorded  period  of  his  life.  The  Bohemian 

1M.  C.  G.,  IV,  pp.  iss-57. 
* Encyc.  Brit.:  Comenius. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  71 

brotherhood — a  form  of  free  society  of  voluntary  member- 
ship very  similar  to  the  academies — of  which  Comenius  was 
the  twentieth  and  last  bishop,  conserved  (just  as  the  Wal- 
denses  had  done)  the  old-Christian  tradition  and  belief. 

Since  the  publication  of  More's  Utopia,  1516,  ideas 
of  state  or  world  reform,  more  or  less  distinctly  traceable 
to  Plato's  Republic,  had  flourished  among  almost  all 
European  nations.  In  1551  appeared  Franciscus  Patri- 
cius's  La  Citta  Felice.  After  the  Fama  F rater nitatis, 
1614  (circulating  in  manuscript  by  1610),  came  Andreae's 
Reiptiblicae  Christianopolitanae  descriptio,  1619,  Campa- 
nella's 1  Civitas  solis,  1623,  and  Bacon's  Nova  Atlantis, 
1629.  In  1641  Hartlib  published  his  ideal  of  a  state  in  "  A 
brief  description  of  the  famous  Kingdom  of  Macaria,  shew- 
ing its  excellent  government,  wherein  the  inhabitants  live 
in  great  prosperity,  health  and  happiness ;  the  king  obeyed, 
the  nobles  honoured  and  all  good  men  respected;  vice 
punished  and  virtue  rewarded.  An  example  to  other  na- 
tions. In  a  dialogue  between  a  scholar  and  a  traveller. 
Dedicated  to  '  The  High  Court  of  Parliament.' " 

It  seems  evident  that  the  humanistic  idea  of  world  reform 
was  part  of  the  propaganda  of  English  free  societies.  Just 
how  much  they  owed  to  the  sister  societies  on  the  continent 
or  perhaps  even  to  Andreae,  it  is  difficult  to  determine. 
John  Dury,  the  close  friend  of  Haak  and  Hartlib,  knew 
some  of  Andreae's  writings,  as  we  have  seen.  Boyle  in  a 
letter  to  Hartlib,  March,  i647,2  says:  "Your  Imago  Socie- 
tatis  and  your  Dextera  Amoris  I  have  great  longings  to 
peruse."  In  the  next  letter,  April.  i647,3  he  writes:  "  Your 
Imago  Societatis  with  a  great  deal  of  delight  I  have  perused, 

1  Campanella  was  a  member  of  Accademia  Delia  in  Padua. 
'  Birch :  Life  of  Boyle,  p.  74. 
*  Birch,  p.  75. 


72  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

but  must  beg  some  leisure  to  acquaint  you  with  my  opinion 
of  it,  which  now  were  almost  impossible  for  me  to  do,  I 
having  already  presented  it  to  a  person  of  quality  with 
whom  if  it  take  suitably  to  my  wishes,  it  may  thence  have 
no  obscure  influence  upon  the  public  good.  .  .  .  Campa- 
nella's  Civitas  Solis  and  that  same  Republica  Christiano- 
politana  .  .  .  will  both  of  them  deserve  to  be  taught  in  our 
language."  Beale,  another  member  of  the  "  invisible  col- 
lege," writes :  "  I  do  extremely  indulge  the  design  of  begin- 
ning the  Building  of  Christian  societies  in  small  models. 
.  .  .  Tis  strange  to  me,  that  the  model  of  Christian  so- 
ciety and  that  curious  offer  of  the  right  hand  of  Christian 
love  hath  taken  no  deeper  footing  in  England." 1  The 
Dextra  amoris,  Right  hand  of  Christian  love,  and  Republica 
Christianopolitana  we  recognize  as  Andreae's;  the  Imago 
Societatis  opens  a  new  question. 

In  the  correspondence  of  Hartlib  with  Boyle  2  and  with 
Worthington 3  the  terms  "  Utopia,"  "  macaria,"  "  antilia," 
"  nova  Atlantis  "  seem  to  be  used  as  symbols  or  names  for 
academies  or  their  plans.  Boyle  says  to  Hartlib,  May, 
1647,*  "  You  interest  yourself  so  much  in  the  invisible  col- 
lege, and  that  whole  society  is  so  highly  concerned  in  all 
the  accidents  of  your  life,  that  you  can  send  me  no  intelli- 
gence of  your  affairs  that  does  not  assume  the  nature  of 
Utopian."  The  "  Utopian  correspondence "  refers  to  the 
activities  of  the  secret  societies,  but  to  more  than  the  "  in- 
visible college."  Hartlib  was  concerned  in  a  plan  for  the 
establishment  of  another  society,  more  extensive  and  more 

1  Worthington's  Diary,  I,  p.  156.    Quoted  in  Hartlib's  letter,  July, 

1659- 

2  In  Life  by  Birch,  also  in  Boyle's  Works,  V. 

'Diary  and  Correspondence  of  Dr.  John  Worthington,  ed.  by  .1. 
Crossby,  1847. 
4  Birch,  p.  78. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  73 

ambitious.  This  society,  referred  to  sometimes  as  "  Mar- 
caria,"  sometimes  as  "  Antilia,"  was  "  to  unite  the  great,  the 
wealthy,  the  religious,  and  the  philosophical  and  to  form  a 
common  center  for  assisting  and  promoting  all  undertakings 
in  the  support  of  which  mankind  were  interested.  Every 
invention  conducing  to  public  benefit,  every  valuable  work 
of  literature,  every  defense  of  Christianity  and  endeavor  to 
promote  unity  among  Christians,  every  charitable  founda- 
tion lacking  assistance,  were  to  be  encouraged,  refreshed, 
and  upheld  from  this  universal  fountain."  *  This  plan,  to 
Hartlib's  bitter  disappointment,  finally  came  to  naught,  and 
"  the  smoke  of  it  was  over."  Something  of  its  nature  and 
history  may  be  seen  in  Hartlib's  correspondence  with  Boyle 
and  Worthington,  more  perhaps  in  his — as  yet  unnoted — 
correspondence  with  Poleman,  which  is  headed  in  Hartlib's 
handwriting  "  Antilia  or  German  Society.  Imago  Socie- 
tatis.  Ex  litfteris]  Polem[an].  Amst." 2 

Joachim  Poleman  was  a  physician  of  Amsterdam,  de- 
votedly attached  to  Hartlib;  if  we  judge  from  the  number 
of  letters  written  during  a  few  months — these  letters  are 
preserved  among  Hartlib's  papers — Poleman  was  appar- 
ently a  very  constant  correspondent.  In  May,  1659, 
Hartlib  mentions  to  Boyle  the  receipt  from  Holland 
of  a  book  on  medicine  "  Novum  Lumen  Chemicum,  sive 
Medicum  Polmanni  .  .  .  opening  the  mystery  of  the  sul- 
phura  philosopher  (J.  B.  van  Helmont).  My  son  hath 
read  it,  and  commends  it  as  a  most  excellent  piece  for 
the  advancement  and  amendment  of  all  medical  knowledge ; 
he  counts  also  the  whole  treatise  most  worthy  to  be  trans- 

1  W or thing  ton's  Diary,  I,  p.  163,  note. 

1  B.  M.  Sloane  MS.  648,  ff.  10-15.  Copies  by  two  hands,  partly 
Hartlib's. 


74  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

lated." l  Nov.,  1659,  Hartlib  entreats  Boyle  "  to  favour 
Mr.  Poleman  with  your  directions  [for  a  certain  medi- 
cine] ...  I  cannot  have  a  more  faithful,  careful  and 
otherwise  more  knowing  man,  than  Mr.  Poleman,  who,  I 
am  confident,  doth  love  me  as  his  own  soul."  2 

Poleman's  letters  speak  of  a  certain  German  society  the 
development  of  which  was  prevented  by  the  war,  and  of 
another  (which  he  himself  had  expected  to  join)  that  was 
broken  up  by  the  death  of  many  members.3  "  What  do  you 
think,"  he  asks,  "  of  the  delineation  of  such  a  society  under 
the  title  Dextra  amoris  Christiano  porrecta  or  Imago  Socie- 
tatis  ?  "  *  Hartlib's  zeal  for  the  public  welfare  seems  to 
Poleman  worthy  of  great  praise.  He  rejoices  in  the  an- 
nouncement of  Hartlib's  new  secret  society  and  is  pleased 
beyond  measure  that  his  own  plans  were  so  exactly  like  those 
of  the  new  society,  to  which  he  suggests  that  he  send  some 
of  his  experienced  and  reliable  friends  as  helpers.  The 
earth,  as  a  result  of  the  proper  training  of  youth,  is  indeed 
to  become  a  paradise  through  a  Christian  reformation  in  all 
ranks  and  classes;  the  necessary  means  (Geldmittel)  the 
society  will  be  able  to  raise.  But  how,  he  inquires 
anxiously,  will  the  members  avoid  the  suspicion  of  being 
mere  goldmakers?  What  pretext  will  they  use  to  conceal 
their  lofty  gift  of  transmutation?  They  may  well  expect 
trouble  and  persecution.  He  asks  Hartlib  to  send  him  a 
copy  of  the  plans  of  the  society  in  full,  also  a  description 
of  its  religious  ceremonies.5  Poleman  then  asks  whether  he 

1  Boyle's  Works,  V,  p.  288. 

*  Boyle's  Works,  V,  p.  296. 
'  Sloane  648,  f.  n. 

*  "  Was  aber  M.  H.  [Mein  Herr  or  Magister  Hartlib]  gedenckt 
von  einer  .  .  .  deliniation  solcher  societal  unter  dem  Titulo  Dextra 
amoris  Christiano  porrecta  wie  auch  Imago  Societatis." 

8  Compare  Hartlib  to  Boyle,  Nov.,   1659,  in  Boyle's  Works,  V, 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  75 

may  tell  his  best  friend  Comenitis  about  it.  Although  he 
says  he  is  signally  unworthy  of  the  honor,  he  gladly  accepts 
the  invitation  to  join  this  Antilia.1 

It  seems  that  the  Utopian  Antilia-Macaria  believed  that 
it  had  the  mission  to  transform  the  world  through  proper 
education  of  all  children  from  their  earliest  years  and 
that  it  also  possessed  the  power  to  make  the  gold  with  which 
to  pave  the  way  for  a  speedy  transformation  of  that  kind. 
This  society  appears  to  be  quite  distinct  from  the  one 
planned  by  Hartlib  and  Comenius,  but  a  close  relation  may 
easily  have  existed.  At  any  rate,  it  failed  utterly  in  accom- 
plishing its  design.  Hartlib  died  in  1661,  and  in  the 

p.  293  ..."  Macaria,  whose  scope  it  is  most  professedly  to  propa- 
gate religion  and  to  endeavor  the  reform  of  the  whole  world." 

1  Sloane  648,  f.  12.  October  3,  1659.  "  Auf  sein  mir  sehr  ange- 
nehmes  schreiben  vom  9  Sept.  fange  ich  billich  meine  andtwort  an 
auf  M.  H.  froliche  botschaft  einer  solchen  societal  die  da  so  es  die 
Noth  des  gemeinen  besten  erforderte,  gnugsame  goldmittel  machen 
konne,  zur  ehre  Gottes  u.  erbauung  des  boni  publici  .  .  .  Oct.  10 
.  .  .  Kan  nicht  gnug  sagen  wie  hoch  der  H.  mich  erfreuet  hat  mit 
der  confirmation  wegen  der  Societat,  u.  das  dieselbe  in  kurzten 
tagen  sal  herfiir  thun  werde.  Aber  alles  eher  erfrewet  mich 
dieses  am  meisten,  dass  mein  intent  mit  der  societat  intention  sogar 
eigentlich  iibereinkomen.  Der  M.  H.  wird  vor  8  tagen  verstanden 
haben  welch  ein  herzliches  Verlangen  ich  habe  die  jugendt  in  einer 
rechten  ordnung  der  auferziehung  u.  information  zu  bringen,  auf 
dass  aus  ihnen  als  aus  dem  guten  saamen  hernach  tiichige  recht 
geistliche  godselige  u.  godgelehrte  manner  u.  reipublic  werden  kon- 
nen  .  .  .  Ich  mochte  auch  wohl  gern  vom  H.  verstandiget  werden, 
wie  sie  ohne  suspicion  de  possessione  tinctura  Philos.  dieses  ihr 
Vorhaben  werden  konnen  [an]  stellig  machen,  massen  ich  hierin 
etliche  difficultates  besehe,  doch  werden  sie  als  weisse  leute  solchen 
difficultat  wohl  vorzukommen  wissen  .  .  .  f.  13.  ob  sie  dem  P. 
anvertrauen  werden,  durch  welche  mittle  sie  solchs  vornehmen  zu 
ende  werden  bringen  konnen :  oder  was  fur  pretext  u.  deckel  sie 
gebrauchen  wollen,  ihre  hohe  gabe  der  transmutation  zu  bedecken 
u.  zu  manteln  .  .  .  Oct.  17,  1659.  Aber  der  H.  sey  dieser  meiner 
wenigen  worte  eingedenck,  es  wirdt  ohne  grosse  Verfolgung  u. 
triibsaal  nicht  abgehen." 


76  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

meantime  part  of  the  "  invisible  college  "  had  become  the 
Royal  Society,  with  certain  circumscribed  interests,  mainly 
scientific.  The  career  that  Hartlib  and  the  other  brothers 
had  worked  for,  the  academy's  organized  power  for  social 
reform,  had  ended. 

And  Boehme's  relation  to  this?  The  gold-making  plans 
of  the  Antilians  were  not  the  schemes  of  greedy  alchemists 
nor  the  projects  of  irresponsible  promoters,  but  the  result 
of  an  insistent  belief  that  to.  the  pure  in  heart  and  the  truly 
charitable  the  greatest  gifts  come  from  a  loving  God.  The 
secrets  of  the  universal  medicine  and  of  the  metal-trans- 
muting tincture  would  be  revealed  to  that  man  who  learned 
to  know  God  aright.1  "  The  smattering  I  have  of  the  Phil- 
osopher's Stone  (which  is  something  more  than  the  perfect 
exaltation  of  gold),"  says  Sir  Thomas  Browne,  "  hath  taught 
me  a  great  deal  of  divinity,  and  instructed  my  belief  how  that 
immortal  spirit  and  incorruptible  substance  of  my  soul  may 
lie  obscure,  and  sleep  awhile  within  this  house  of  flesh."2 
This  "  incorruptible  substance  "  is  man's  "  goldness,"  a  per- 
fect principle  revealed  by  the  Christ  within  ("  inner  light  ") 
— a  principle  which  can  be  perfected  through  education. 
The  Antilians,  like  the  spiritual  alchemists,  were  interested 
most  of  all  in  producing  the  spiritual  tincture  or  philos- 
opher's stone,  the  mystic  seed  of  transcendental  life  which 
should  transmute  the  imperfect  self  into  spiritual  gold.  For 
this  purpose,  Poleman,  in  Novum  Lumen  Chemicum,  a 
book  he  sent  to  Hartlib,3  recommended  the  reading  of 

1  Compare  Hartlib  to  Boyle,  Nov.,  1659,  in  Boyle's  Works,  V,  p. 
296:  "...  it  will  certainly  yield  both  the  universal  medicine  and 
the  tincture :  if  it  should  fail,  I  am  assured  from  others,  that  Ma- 
caria  is  a  real  possessor  of  both  these  great  blessings,  but  will  own 
neither  of  them  professedly." 

1  Religio  Medici,  pt.  i. 

*  See  above,  p.  73. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  77 

Boehme.  This  book  was  published  in  English,  probably  at 
Hartlib's  instigation.1  There  is  an  extract  in  Hartlib's  writ- 
ing from  a  letter  of  Poleman's  about  Boehme.2  In  his 
earlier  letters  Poleman  had  stated  that  several  of  Boehme's 
works  were  being  printed  at  Amsterdam  by  "  Beeth  "  [per- 
haps Betkius].  He  mentioned  this  to  show  why  he  had  been 
unable  to  find  a  printer  for  the  Via  veterum  sapientum 
by  Frankenberg,  a  friend  of  Hartlib  and  Poleman.3 

The  study  of  Boehme  and  the  study  of  nature  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  practice  of  medicine  and  of  alchemy,  spiritual 
and  practical  alike,  on  the  other,  were  closely  related 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  A  student  of  Paracelsus  was 
more  than  likely  a  student  of  Boehme  as  well.  One 

1  Novum  lumen  medicum,  wherein  the  excellent  and  most  neces- 
sary Doctrine  of  the  highly-gifted  Philosopher  Helmont  concerning 
the  Great  Mystery  of  the  Philosopher's  Sulphur  is  fundamentally 
cleared.  By  Joachim  Poleman.  Out  of  a  faithful  and  good-intent 
to  those  that  are  ignorant  and  straying  from  the  truth,  as  also  out 
of  compassion  to  the  sick.  London,  1662.  In  his  preface  Pole- 
man mentions  Paracelsus  and  Basilius  Valentinus  in  addition  to 
Helmont.  On  pp.  113,  116,  160,  204  he  discusses  Boehme  and  rec- 
ommends him  to  the  seeker  after  Truth. 

1  B.  M.  Sloane  648,  f.  10.  "  Ich  kann  alhier  nicht  vorbey  M  H 
[Magister  Hartlib]  im  vtrauen  [vertrauen]  zu  vermelden,  daz  ich 
einmal  der  Persohn  welche  gedachte  Heimniss  [nlchemistische 
Geheimmisse]  weis,  etliche  Paragros  [Paragraphos]  aus  Jacob 
Bohmens  Schriften  vom  Philosopishen  opere  furgelesen,  welches 
als  er  etwas  von  mir  lesen  horete  (sintemahl  er  zwar  niemahlen 
etwas  im  Bohmen  gelesen)  hat  sich  derselbe  mir  entsetzet  u.  ver- 
wundert  sagende. — Ist's  moglich  daz  dieser  man  solches  im  geist 
erkand  hat.  Er  hat  die  warhaftige  warheid  geschrieben,  den  ich 
solches  alles  mit  meinen  sichtlichen  augen  gesehen  habe.  Von 
dieser  Persohn  auch  hoffe  ich  durch  G  [Gott]  solches  Kleinod  zu 
erlangen  zu  welcher  Persohn  mich  G  so  wunderlich  gefuhret  hat, 
daz  es  uberall  mein  Verstandt  u.  Vernunft  gehet  u.  bitte  solches  H. 
Clodio  [Hcrrn  Frid.  Clodius,  Hartlib's  son-in-law,  a  physician]  zu 
berichten  u.  durch  ihn  der  Societal  zu  vermelden." 

•  B.  M.  Sloane  648,  f .  10. 


78  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

of  the  translators  of  Paracelsus  says  in  his  apology  to  the 
reader :  "  I  am  not  so  intent  to  make  my  own  excuse  as  to 
leave  thee  altogether  without  a  caution:  what  therefore 
that  most  profound  Teutonic  philosopher  Jacob  Behmen, 
somewhere  in  his  writings  saith  to  his  reader,  that  I  counsell 
thee,  viz.  if  thy  mind  be  not  spirituall  forbear  to  read  these 
things,  for  they  will  doe  thee  more  hurt  than  good."  l  An 
alchemist  or,  rather,  a  "  chymist " — the  term  was  first  em- 
ployed about  the  middle  of  the  century — was  sometimes 
even  called  a  "  Teutonicus,"  the  general  name  for  Boehme.2 
Further  evidence  of  the  connection  between  Boehme 
and  the  English  alchemists  is  adduced  by  various  Eng- 
lish works  that  were  recommended  for  the  elucidation  of 
the  Teutonic  philosopher's  writings.  Among  these  were  3 
Magica  Adamica  *  and  Lumen  de  Lumine 5  written  by 
Thomas  Vaughan  (1622-1666)  who  called  himself  Eugenius 
Philalethes.  Vaughan  was  an  admirer  of  Agrippa  and 
Paracelsus,  a  great  "  chymist "  and  experimental  philos- 
opher, a  Neoplatonist  with  scientific  rather  than  mystical 
tendencies.  He  wrote  the  preface  to  the  first  English  trans- 
lation of  the  Fama  Fraternitatis  and  Confessio,  1652, 
but  he  roundly  contradicted  the  charge  of  being  a  "  zealous 
brother  of  the  Rosie-Crucian  fraternity."  6  Vaughan  was 

1  Philosophy  Reformed  and  Improved  .  .  .  Oswald  Crollius  and 
.  .  .  Paracelsus  .  .  .  translated  by  H.  Pinell.  London.  1657. 
Translator's  apology,  p.  2. 

1  Worthington's  Diary,  I,  p.  195.  "  Some  whisper  the  King  should 
be  a  Teutonicus  and  lover  of  Chymistry."  Letter  from  Hartlib, 
June,  1660. 

8  According  to  A.  W.  Boehme,  p.  923. 

4  Magica  Adamica  or  the  Antiquity  of  Magic  and  the  Descent 
thereof  from  Adam  downward,  proved,  etc.  London,  1650. 

*  Lumen  de  Lumine  or  a  new  Magical  Light  discovered  and  com- 
municated to  the  world.    London,  1651.    Dedicated  to  Oxford  Uni- 
versity. 

*  A.  E.  Waite :  Magical  Writings  of  Thomas  Vaughan,  p.  viii. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  79 

neither  a  papist  nor  a  sectarian,  but  a  true  resolute  church- 
man.1 At  the  time  of  the  plague  (1665)  he  accompanied 
Sir  Robert  Murrey  to  Oxford.  Robert  Murrey  was  the  first 
president  of  the  Royal  Society  before  the  charter  was  ob- 
tained,2 and,  according  to  Aubrey,  "  a  good  chymist  who  as- 
sisted his  Majestic  in  his  chymicall  operations." 3 

Elias  Ashmole  (1617-1692),  the  great  seventeenth-cen- 
tury antiquary  and  publisher  of  alchemistic  treatises,  left 
among  his  papers  a  copy  of  Boehme's  one  strictly  alche- 
mistic epistle,  headed :  "  Copied  [probably  by]  Dr.  Joseph 
Webbe.  Translation  of  a  Dutch  letter  on  the  work  of 
tinctures,  by  Jacob  Bohmen  an  alchemist."  4  In  the  same 
collection  of  papers,  among  the  "  miscellaneous  remains  of 
Theodoricus  Gravius,  medical,  theological  and  epistola- 
tory,"  6  there  is  a  rather  long  discussion  of  Boehme's  doc- 
trine. T.  Gravius  was  rector  at  Linford,  1641.  Among 
Ashmole 's  books  were  copies  of  several  of  Boehme's  works. 
Even  in  the  library  of  a  person  as  temperamentally  opposed 
to  mysticism  of  any  kind  as  Samuel  Pepys  (1633-1703) 
were  some  of  Boehme's  works.  The  catalogue  entries  in 
his  own  hand  of  the  Forty  Questions  and  the  Three  Prin- 
ciples are  still  to  be  seen.6 

On  the  side  of  philosophical  and  scientific  influence 
Boehme's  most  noted  follower  was  Isaac  Newton  (1642- 
1727).  William  Law  (1687-1762),  the  great  eighteenth- 

1  Wood :  Athenae  Oxonienses,  III,  pp.  722-25. 

'Sir  William  Huggins:  The  Royal  Society  (Spells  Murrey 
"  Moray"). 

1  Aubrey:  Brief  Lives,  Oxford,  1898,  II,  p.  82. 

4  Bodleian  Library,  Ashmole  MS.  1499,  f.  279.  It  is  a  copy  of 
Epistle  33  of  the  English  edition,  addressed  to  Christianus  Steen- 
berger,  Doctor  of  Physic. 

*  Bodleian  Library,  Ashmole  MS.  1399,  ff.  88-93. 

*  Pepysian    Collection    1130,    in    Magdalene    College,    Cambridge. 
Pepys  had  the  two  volumes  bound  together. 


8o  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

century  disciple  of  Boehme,  states  in  a  letter  to  Dr. 
Cheyne : l  "  When  Sir  Isaac  Newton  died,  there  were  found 
amongst  his  papers  large  abstracts  out  of  J.  Behmen's 
works,  written  with  his  own  hand.  .  .  .  It  is  evidently  plain 
that  all  that  Sir  I.  has  said  of  the  universality,  nature  and 
effects  of  attraction,  of  the  three  first  laws  of  nature,  was 
not  only  said,  but  proved  in  its  true  and  deepest  ground,  by 
J.  B.  in  his  Three  first  Properties  of  Eternal  Nature.  .  .  . 
Sir  Isaac  was  formerly  so  deep  in  J.  B.  that  he,  together 
with  one  Dr.  Newton,  his  relation,  set  up  furnaces,  and  for 
several  months  were  at  work  in  quest  of  the  Tincture, 
purely  from  what  they  conceived  from  him.  .  .  .  Sir  Isaac 
did  but  reduce  to  a  mathematical  form  the  central  principles 
of  nature  revealed  in  Behmen."  Sir  David  Brewster,  in 
his  biography  of  Newton,  does  not  deny  that  Newton  was 
interested  in  alchemy,  although  he  tries  to  make  light  of  this 
interest  and  especially  of  Boehme's  influence.2  Brewster 
seems  to  overlook  the  fact  that  an  interest  in  alchemy  and 
philosophy  at  that  time  meant  an  interest  in  science  and 
scientific  research — the  foundation  of  all  modern  science. 
There  is  evidence  that  the  founder  of  the  so-called  modern 
scientific  method,  Francis  Bacon,  as  well  as  most  of  the  early 
members  of  the  Royal  Society,  were  believers  in  alchemy 
and  astrology.  Among  the  Newton  papers  there  are  many 
MSS.  on  alchemy — transcripts  from  a  great  variety  of 
authors,  named  and  unnamed.  There  is  no  reason  for  re- 
jecting Law's  testimony  that  some  are  abstracts  from 
Boehme's  works.3 

1  Memorial  of  Law,  p.  46. 

*  Sir  David  Brewster:  Life  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  London,  1875, 
p.  271. 

'According  to  Notes  and  Queries,  8th  series,  VIII,  p.  247,  "the 
papers  of  Newton  relating  to  Boehme  are  in  Trinity  College,  Cam- 
bridge." I  could  not  find  them  there.  According  to  the  Catalogue 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  81 

Law  also  discusses  the  general  scientific  influence  of 
Boehme.  The  same  observations  which  apply  to  Newton 
will  apply  generally,  he  says,  to  most  of  the  "  philosophical 
schemes  and  discoveries  of  more  recent  date;  among  the 
minor  ones,  for  instance,  to  the  science  of  physiognomy  in- 
troduced by  Lavater  and  perfected  as  phrenology  by  Drs. 
Gall  and  Spurzheim;  also  to  that  which  is  sound  in  the 
philosophy  of  Berkeley  [1695-1753],  to  the  delicate  and 
well-grounded,  though  difficult  science  of  homeopathy  of 
Hahnemann,  who  studied  the  principles  of  J.  B.  (as  more 
particularly  described  in  his  Signatura  Rerum)  .  .  .  All 
these  individuals  were  students  of  Behmen,  and  many  others 
of  the  savans  of  Germany  and  England  both  dead  and 
living."  * 

The  affinity  between  Boehme  and  the  students  of  alchemy, 
as  a  result  of  the  great  revival  of  interest  in  alchemy,  was 
exceedingly  close ;  imp&rtant,  too,  was  Boehme's  general  re- 
lation to  the  academies  and  their  teachings.  Although  he 
may  not  even  have  known  of  the  existence  of  the  academies, 
he  must  in  a  certain  sense  be  considered  the  developer  and 
systematizer  of  their  beliefs.  He  laid  the  philosophical 
foundation  for  what  they  were  already  attempting  to  put 
into  practice.  Parts  of  his  first  work,  the  Aurora  and  the 
Three  Principles,  were  written  in  1612;  after  that  he 
wrote  no  more  until  1618.  In  the  meantime  the  Rosi- 
crucian  movement  started.  As  representatives  of  the 
humanistic  spirit,  the  true  Rosicrucians  were  riot  distin- 

of  the  Portsmouth  Collection  of  books  and  papers  written  by  or  be- 
longing to  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  Cambridge,  1888,  some  of  Newton's 
papers  (notably  those  on  mathematics)  were  given  to  the  Uni- 
versity Library,  Cambridge.  Those  on  theology,  chronology,  his- 
tory, and  alchemy  were  returned  to  Lord  Portsmouth  at  Hurst- 
bourne. 

1  Memorial  of  Law,  p.  3. 


82 

guishable  from  the  members  of  the  acadamies.  Expres- 
sive of  this  movement  was  the  great  spread  of  ideas  of 
world  reform,  of  methods  of  getting  at  the  secrets  of  nature, 
of  advance  in  the  sciences  of  medicine  and  alchemy.  Such 
ideas  rilled  the  minds  of  people  of  all  classes.  By  expound- 
ing the  true  nature  of  man,  Boehme  laid  a  foundation  for 
social  reform ;  the  body  of  his  writings  is  an  exposition  of  the 
inner  workings  of  nature;  and  in  the  Four  Complexions 
as  well  as  in  other  works  there  are  explanations,  far  in  ad- 
vance of  the  general  knowledge  of  his  time,  of  the  tempera- 
mental origin  of  disease.  His  decided  preference  for  the 
one  great  church  invisible,  as  opposed  to  the  "  churches 
of  stone  "  with  their  unenlightened  clergy,  is  a  theoretical 
expression  of  Dury's  practical  attempts  to  form  a  union  of 
all  Protestant  churches.  Every  one  of  Boehme's  books  is 
a  protest  against  the  dry  scholastic  method  of  teaching ;  like 
Comenius  he  depends  on  three  sources  of  knowledge — na- 
ture, the  Bible,  and  inspiration.  Under  his  doctrines  of 
free-will  and  freedom  of  conscience,  he  would  extend  the 
possibility  of  salvation  to  Mohammedans,  Heathens,  and 
Jews.  Boehme's  attitude  toward  the  pretended  alchemist 
was  that  of  contempt,  exactly  the  attitude  of  the  man  who 
really  was  filled  with  the  spirit  of  Andreae's  teachings, 
toward  the  man  who  boasted  himself  a  Rosicrucian.  The 
spirit  of  restless  longing  and  dissatisfaction  of  the  early 
seventeenth  century,  a  spirit  that  found  expression  in  the 
plans  for  world  reform  and  in  the  Rosicrucian  dreams  of 
fraternity,  was  also  mirrored  in  Jakob  Boehme's  writings. 
Mystical  Christianity,  a  search  for  the  hidden  secrets  of  na- 
ture, a  belief  in  man  as  the  microcosm,  in  harmony  with 
God — these  thoughts  found  in  one  group  of  writings  would 
lead  inevitably  to  an  interest  in  the  other  group. 
Closely  related,  from  early  Reformation  times,  to  the  at- 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  83 

tempts  of  mysticism  and  magic  to  solve  the  problems  of 
spiritual  progress  was  the  effort  to  find  the  key  to  the 
apocalyptic  prophecies.  Cromwell's  Ironsides  and  the 
"  Saints  "  believed  that  they  were  ushering  in  the  millen- 
nium. Books  and  tracts  set  the  exact  date  for  this  turn  in 
the  affairs  of  men.  Interest  in  alchemy  seems  especially  to 
have  been  accompanied  by  this  interest  in  prophecy.  Hart- 
lib  represents  the  interests  of  most  of  the  men  of  his  group 
in  his  Chymical  Addresses,1  also  in  his  publication  of  the 
anonymous  Clavis  Apocalyptical  His  correspondence  with 
Joseph  Mede,  Milton's  Cambridge  tutor,  is  full  of  reference 
to  Biblical  prophecy  fulfilled  and  to  be  fulfilled.3  A  number 
of  Hartlib's  letters  to  Worthington  show  an  interest  in 
Boehme's  ideas.  Nov.  20,  1655,  ne  writes :  "  The  book 
which  I  received,  when  once  you  were  at  my  house,  written 
by  one  Felgenhauer  under  the  name  of  Postillion,  is  now 
extant  in  English  with  a  catalogue  of  all  Books  of  this 
Author,  that  are  printed  and  not  printed."  4 

Paul  Felgenhauer  was  a  devout  student  of  Boehme.  His 
works  read  like  free  paraphrases  of  his  master,  in  which, 
it  must  be  confessed,  he  has  done  little  to  make  clearer  the 
statements  of  the  Teutonic  philosopher.  The  catalogue  of 
the  English  translations  that  Hartlib  mentions  shows  that 

1  Chymical,  Medicinal,  and  Chyrurgical  Addresses:  Made  to 
Samuel  Hartlib  Esquire.  London,  1655.  About  medicines,  surgical 
measures,  the  philosopher's  stone,  etc. 

1  See  above  note  3,  p.  68. 

*  Joseph  Mede  also  wrote  a  Clavis  Apocalyptica,  not  to  be  con- 
fused with  the  publication  by  Hartlib  of  a  work  of  the  same  title. 
See  Works  of  Joseph  Mede,  London,  1672. 

*  Postilion   or  a    New   Almanacke   and   Astrological   prophetical 
Prognostication.    Calculated  for  the  whole  world,  and  all  Creatures, 
and  what  the  Issue  or  Event  will  be  of  the  English  Warres,  etc.  .  .  . 
Written  in  High  Dutch  by  Paulus  Felghenore,  and  now  translated 
into  English  in  the  year  1655.    London,  1655. 


84 

a  number  of  the  works  have  either  the  same  titles  or  ones 
very  similar  to  some  of  Boehme's  works,  for  instance,  Au- 
rora Sapientiae,  published  in  1628,  and  Mysterium  Magnum 
or  the  Great  Mystery  of  Christ  and  His  Church,  published 
in  1651.  These  works  were  also  circulated  in  England  in 
MS.,1  sometimes  under  the  pseudonym  Angelus  Marianus. 
Felgenhauer's  works  were  sometimes  confused  with  those 
of  Boehme.2 

Another  writer  who  combined  the  interest  in  alchemy 
and  apocalyptic  prophecy  was  Abraham  von  Frankenberg 
(1593-1652).  This  Silesian  nobleman,  dissatisfied  with 
the  letter-service  of  the  clergy  and  its  helplessness  in  better- 
ing the  condition  of  mankind,  eagerly  accepted  the  teachings 
of  Tauler  and  a  Kempis,  then  of  Schwenkfeld  and  Weigel, 
and  finally  those  of  Jakob  Boehme.  Frankenberg  became, 
in  fact,  a  personal  friend  of  the  shoemaker-philosopher,  and 
to  him  one  of  Boehme's  Epistles  is  addressed.  The  Life  of 
Boehme  in  the  Amsterdam  edition  of  his  works  was  written 
by  Frankenberg.  He  is  generally  regarded  as  one  of 
Boehme's  best-known  friends  and  admirers.8  He  wrote 
also  under  the  name  of  Amadeus  von  Friedleben.  His 
treatises  on  practical  mysticism,  the  life  of  man  ruled  by 
the  "  inner  word,"  are  frankly  alchemistic  in  tone ;  he  quotes 
Paracelsus  and  the  scientific  Neoplatonists  as  freely  as  he 

1  British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  1304  is  a  translation  apparently  of 
four  of  his  shorter  treatises.  Sloane  MS.  728  is  The  book  of 
Jehi,  which  was  published  in  1640.  A  MS.  note  on  the  front  page 
says :  "  this  manuscript  I  take  to  be  parte  of  Ja.  Boehmen  workes 
translated."  The  Bodleian  has  Ashmole  MS.  417,  IV:  Aurora 
Sapientiae. 

'  Universal  Lexicon  aller  Wissenschaften  u.  Kunste.  Halle  und 
Leipzig,  1733.  Article,  "  Boehme." 

*  Colberg :  Hermetisches  Christentum,  p.  326— J.  A.  Calo :  de 
Vita  Jacob:  Bochmii.  Wittenberg,  1707.  Caput  IV.  Both  of  these 
books  give  a  list  of  Frankenberg's  works. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  85 

does  the  mystics.  His  Raphael l  is  a  treatise  on  spiritual 
alchemy,  infused  with  the  spirit  and  teachings  of  Boehme. 
In  his  Via  veterum  sapientum  2  he  quotes  from  Andreae's 
Menippus,  Mythologia  Christiana. 

As  early  as   1646  Frankenberg3  had  been  a  friend  of 

1  Published  Amsterdam,  1676,  by  Betkius. 

2  Published  Amsterdam,  1675,  by  Betkius.    See  p.  86. 
1  Sloane  MS.  648,  ff.  89-90. 

(Letter  from  Abraham  von  Frankenberg  to  Samuel  Hartlib.  In 
Utin.) 

Health  and  Happiness! 

This  year  which  now  hastens  on  I  was  writing  to  Thee,  most 
excellent  man,  through  thy  kinsman  George,  with  some  small  suit- 
able literary  gifts,  but  as  I  hear  that  that  offering  yielded  to  rapine 
at  Dunkirk  the  matter  must  be  entered  into  a  second  time.  Behold, 
therefore,  my  most  favourable  Hartlib,  some  mystic  pledge  of  our 
dear  friendship,  the  EYE  and  KEY :  by  which  things  I  desire  to 
open  fully  to  thee,  most  desirable  of  friends,  the  thoughts  of  my 
mind.  Simplicity  and  straightforwardness  are  the  witnesses  of  love 
and  uprightness,  and  thus  we  come  to  the  inner  house.  Truly  there 
have  been  present  other  consolations  of  our  inclinations  and  af- 
fections, but  the  means  of  presenting  these  before  the  public  are 
lacking.  And  this  my  left  EYE,  by  many  not  sufficiently  admitted 
of  the  right,  perchance  seems  to  be  in  darkness  to  those  who,  al- 
though themselves  overspread  by  a  cataract,  put  forward  more 
obscure  rather  than  clearer  matters.  Of  the  KEY,  whatever  Theo- 
logians are  about  to  think  it  matters  not.  This  I  know  that  the 
eyes  and  the  ears  of  the  common  herd  cannot  discern  or  tolerate 
the  light  and  the  word  of  wisdom  and  the  truth  of  hidden  things. 
And  since  one  teaches  that  wisdom  is  by  far  the  most  central  and 
universal  thing,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  the  lowly  and  plebeian 
should  not  understand  or  grasp  such  things  because  they  neglect 
them  and  are  ignorant.  Therefore  let  him  understand  who  can, 
let  him  carp  who  will,  it  is  all  the  same  to  me.  For  I  know  in  what 
I  believed  and  by  what  I  wrote.  To  the  good  all  things  are  well, 
and  even  in  good  is  some  evil ;  to  the  evil  nothing  is  good,  even 
the  best.  However,  I  strive  neither  for  myself  nor  mine  by  these 
things,  although  I  seek  food  or  clothing,  I  have  it  not  during  my 
six  year  exile.  And  now  I  am  a  wandering  star  and  a  lounger,  that 
is  I  live  from  another's  table.  Verily  I  had  thought  to  gain  some- 
thing of  a  provision  for  my  people  by  little  writings  of  this  kind, 


86  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Hartlib.  He  contributed  to  Hartlib's  collection  of  papers 
on  educational  reform.1  In  1655  Hartlib  tried  to  find  a 
publisher  in  England  for  Frankenberg's  Oculus  Sydereus, 

or  rather  to  conciliate  my  patrons;  but  Fate  and  Desire  go  not  on 
equal  foot! 

Yet  some  there  were,  although  poor,  who  esteemed  these  things 
good,  among  whom  Dn.  Comenius  and  Dn.  Hevelius  not  at  all  the 
least. 

"He  makes  his  living  by  robbery  who  has  mind  without  light, 
but  if  he  is  happy  in  his  patron  he  lives  by  his  genius." 

Thou,  most  dear  man,  will  accept  these  things  rightly  and  will 
'not  deem  me  unworthy  of  thy  favour  and  patronage  (if  perchance 
the  occasion  occur).  For  if  my  divine  EYE,  to  use  the  Latin  idiom, 
should  give  light  to  any  one  at  all,  it  will  be  freely  allowed  to  him 
by  me  in  any  way  in  which  the  thoughts  of  the  mind  find  expression. 
Wherefore,  I  have  especially  destined  for  thee  a  copy,  one  out  of 
Three,  properly  corrected  with  margins  added.  Do  with  it  what- 
ever seems  good  and  pleasing  for  the  use  of  the  Christian  state. 
Moreover  I  am  giving  birth  to  another  production,  the  mystic  name 
of  which  I  had  assigned  before  I  was  in  this  country,  but  I  do  not 
yet  know  to  whom  I  may  commit  the  care  of  producing  the  same 
before  the  public  or  how  it  will  be  done,  since  I  suspect  evil.  The 
pamphlet  five  with  the  fourfold  and  geometrical  figures  will  not  be 
unwelcome  or  useless  to  thee  and,  by  thee,  to  those  similarly  cultured 
in  universal  knowledge. 

My  "little  kindred  sons"  which  remain  are: — 

(1)  Eusebius'  wisdom  or  "  Viam  veterum  sapientum." 

(2)  Saphir's  "  Elem.  de  Numerorum  "  as  far  as  the  twelfth  way 
in  mysteries. 

(3)  Raphael,  "  De  Fundamento  Medicinae  Kabal.   Mag.  Chym." 
If  any  others  come  to  me  they  shall  sleep  in  my  chamber.     If 

monitors  come  to  keep  watch  they  shall  prove  themselves ;  nor  shall 
they  be  molested  since  they  are  equipped  and  content  to  dwell  with 
the  poor. 

Meanwhile  in  whatever  way  thou  canst  help  me  to  use  these  do 
assist  me,  particularly  if  they  offer  and  show  any  mystical  and  occult 
secret  wisdom  of  God,  Nature  and  of  Art.  In  the  meantime  I  am 
cherishing  inwardly,  besides  various  other  things,  certain  miscel- 
laneous thoughts  concerning  the  return  of  the  spirit  to  God ;  re- 


British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  648,  ff.  91,  92.    Also  Sloane  MS.  649, 
ff.  104-112. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  87 

but  was  unsuccessful  because  the  treatise  was  in  Latin.1 
Poleman,  Hartlib's  friend  in  Amsterdam,  was  apparently 
commissioned  with  the  publication  of  the  Via  veterum  sa- 

embodying,  transmigration  of  souls,  and  metamorphosis  or  the  sepa- 
ration, illumination  and  perfection  of  body,  soul  and  spirit,  in  one 
word,  deification  or  participation  in  and  communion  with  the  Divine 
Nature.  Concerning  this  I  have  brought  together  and  discerned 
between  various  authorities,  both  ancient  and  late,  sacred  and  pro- 
fane (lest  I  should  seem,  out  of  my  own  brain,  to  be  arrogant  and 
foolish),  and  I  am  toiling  to  lead  back  to  behind  the  threshold. 
What  other  things  are  in  full  play  thou  wilt  see  from  the  annexed 
Ichnograph.  I  received  also  lately  from  Upsala  an  Ich.  of  Thomas 
Agrivaillens,  of  Burius  Aquilonaria,  certain  old  Northern  oracular 
runes,  among  which  are: — 

(1)  Adulruna  Therasica,  concerning  the  mysteries  of  the 
Scripture. 

(2)  Adulruna   Rediviva,   concerning  the   mysteries  of  the 
Alphabet  of  three  crowns.    This  thoroughly  arranged, 
I  sent,  ex  Burii  Autographo,  to  Rome  to  Athanasius 
Kircher. 

(3)  Tabula    Smaragdina    [the    Smaragdine    Table    attributed 
to  Hermes]  of  the  chronology  of  the  Cherubin. 

(4)  Table  of  Hebrew  Philosophy. 

(5)  Speciminis     Linguae     Scanfianae     Tabula.     [Table     of     a 
specimen  of  Scandinavian  language.] 

(6)  Ariel  Sueticus,  or  Mystical  chronology. 

(7)  Runa  Redux  ad  ol.  Worm. 

(8)  Twelve  songs  of  Suetica  Puta: — 

Of  the  creation  of  the  world. 
Of  his  own  novitiate. 
Of  the  inner  man. 
Of  the  complaint  of  the  spirit. 
Of  the  sloth  of  the  soul. 
Of  the  condition  of  the  present  time. 
Of  the  least  in  the  kingdom  of  Heaven. 
Of  remotest  time. 
Of  the  fruits  of  the  inner  man. 
Of  the  way  to  the  tree  of  life,  etc. 
And  I  await  from  the  same : — 


1  Worthington's  Diary,  I,  p.  64.     Hartlib  to  Worthington,  Dec.  12, 
1655- 


88  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

pientum;  in  1660  he  wrote  Hartlib  that  Betkius  was  so  en- 
gaged with  Boehme's  works  that  he  could  not  print  Frank- 
enberg's  piece.1  However,  Betkius  did  print  this  work  at  a 
later  date. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  Frankenberg  was  the  author  of 
the  Clavis  Apocalyptica,  published  by  Hartlib  and  Dury. 
An  extract  of  a  letter  to  Hartlib  states :  "  The  Jesuits  have 
learnt  who  is  the  author  of  Clavis  Apocalyptica  which 
you  have  translated  and  printed  in  English,  and  the  Em- 
peror hath  set  4,000  Rix  dollars  upon  his  head."  [Dated 
Lesna  in  Poland,  3  July,  1654]  .2  It  is  true  that  Franken- 
berg was  exiled  on  account  of  his  teachings  and  that  he  took 
refuge  in  1645  (m  Danzig)  with  the  astronomer  Helvetius, 
whom  he  helped  in  mathematics.  He  died,  however,  in  1652, 

(9)  Famam  e  Scanfia  Reducem. 
(10)  Ariel  or  the  key  of  the  Bible,  etc. 

Also  Dn.  Benedictus  Figulus,  who,  with  Dn.  Comenius  and  Dn. 
D.  Cyprianus  Kinnerus  this  last  21  August  was  absent  from  Stock- 
holm. 

I  desire  Henry  Reginald's  Marg  fat-iav  [?  faZiav  =  speech]  ;  Berel- 
lium's  De  Rebus  Mysticis;  M.  J.  Gaffarel's  Codicum  Caballisticum, 
Advis  sur  les  Langues  or  De  necessitate  LL.  Oriental,  also  his 
Abdita  Divinae  Kabala  Mysteria;  Hovardeus  De  arte  Arcana  [of 
secret  art]  and  any  others  of  this  sort. 
Farewell  most  learned  philosopher  Hartlib,  and  be  kindly  towards 

thy  most  affectionate 

Gedani,  25  Aug.  Abraham  de  Frankenburg  (who  desires 

[i.  e.  Dantzic]  thy  answer  by  Dn.  Comenius  or 

Ao.  1646.  kinsman  George). 

Dn.  Hevelius's  I  send  also  a  copy  De  Fontibus 

Silonographa  *  salutis  prope  Halberstadium 

nundinis  vernalibus  [Concerning  the  fountains  of  health 

will  see  light  In  France.  near  Halberstadium],  miracles  by 

simple  faith.    (All  magnetic). 

*  Hevelius's  Selenographie,  published  in  1647. 

1  British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  648,  f.  10. 

2  British  Museum,   Additional   MS.  4156,   f.   103. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  89 

the  year  after  the  book  was  published.  His  connection  with 
Helvetius  suggests  at  once  that  he  was  well  known  in  the 
group  of  Hartlib's  progressive  friends;  certainly  he  was 
well  known  to  Dury  and  Comenius.  He  was  also  a  friend 
of  Menasseh  Ben  Israel  who  came  to  England  during  Crom- 
well's Protectorate  to  promote  the  readmission  of  Jews  into 
England.  Menasseh's  circle  of  Christian  friends  was  large 
and  distinguished.  Of  special  interest  to  us  perhaps  are 
Frankenberg,  to  whom  Menasseh  sent  a  copy  of  his  portrait 
in  1643, 1  Paul  Felgenhauer,  the  ardent  Boehme  disciple,  Mil- 
ton, Dury,  and  Hartlib,  whose  "  excellent  Treatise  The  Rev- 
elation Revealed  "  [referring  to  the  Claris  Apocalyptica] 
Menasseh  commends  in  his  Hope  of  Israel,  published  in 
London,  1652*  as  "  the  most  harmonious  and  clear  of  any 
discourse  of  that  nature."  We  should  remember  at  this 
point  that  Hartlib  and  Dury  and  the  members  of  the  "  col- 
lege invisible "  in  general  were  in  favor  of  a  religious 
toleration  that  included  Jews — one  of  Boehme's  great 
teachings. 

A  friend  of  Hartlib  who  figured  largely  in  the  Hartlib- 
Worthington  correspondence  and  who  was  "  most  familiarly 
acquainted  these  many  years  with  Mr.  Dury," 3  was  the 
learned  Adam  Boreel  of  Amsterdam.  Boreel  was  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Dutch  Collegiants,4  a  sect  corresponding  to 
the  English  Seekers.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Hartlib,  who 
seems  to  have  made  no  friends  among  the  sectarians  of 
England,  had  friends  among  the  well-known  leaders  of  sects 

1  Mennasseh   Ben   Israel's  Mission   to   Oliver  Cromwell.    Lucien 
Wolf,  London,  1901.     Notes,  pp.  149,  169. 

2  Quoted  in  above,  p.  53. 

1  Worthington's  Diary,  1,  p.  290,  Hnrtlib  to  Worthington,  June 
II,  1661.  There  are  letters  from  Boreel  to  Hartlib  in  B.  M.  Sloane 
MS.  640. 

*  Hylkema :  Reformatcurs,  Haarlem,  1902,  pp.  150,  333. 


9o  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

abroad.  Boreel  was  also  a  follower  of  Jakob  Boehme.1 
Blunt2  even  speaks  of  a  Dutch  sect  of  Boreelists  started 
by  Adam  Boreel  in  the  latter  half  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
a  sect  of  austere  life  and  habits  of  worship,  like  the  English 
Quakers  rejecting  all  external  ordinances  of  Divine  worship. 

The  greatest  possible  contrast  to  Adam  Boreel  was  pre- 
sented by  another  follower  of  Boehme — Gifftheyl,3  a  fanat- 
ical German  who  lived  for  some  time  in  England  and  who 
seems  to  have  been,  to  some  extent  at  least,  a  protege  of 
Hartlib.  He  first  became  known  in  England  in  Two  Letters 
to  the  King.  By  Gifftheyl.  Published  March,  1643.  To 
Worthington,  Hartlib  writes  of  Gifftheyl  as  the  author  of  an 
enclosed  printed  sheet — "  one  Gifthill  who  has  travelled  and 
written  these  thirty  years  after  this  manner."  *  To  another 
correspondent 5  Hartlib  writes  the  story  of  Gifftheyl,  who, 
in  his  opposition  to  the  army  and  all  authority  and  in  his 
predictions  of  the  approach  of  Christ's  kingdom,  seems  an 
uneducated  enthusiast  carried  to  heights  of  fanaticism. 

Much  of  our  early  information  regarding  the  spread  of 
Boehme's  doctrines  in  England  comes  to  us  from  his  op- 
ponents. They  note  as  a  matter  of  course  Boehme's  attrac- 
tion for  the  alchemists.0  In  1655,  Meric  Casaubon  in  his 

1  J.  W.  Rumpaeus :  De  Jacobo  Bohmio,  Susati,  1714,  p.  8,  and 
Adolf  von  Harless:  /.  B.  und  die  Alchymisten.  Leipzig,  1882. 
Vorrede. 

*  J.  H.  Blunt :  Dictionary  of  sects,  heresies,  ecclesiastical  parties 
and  schools  of  religious  thought,  London,  1874.    Article,  "  Boreelists." 

1  Murdock's  translation  of  Mosheim's  Church  History,  Boston, 
1892,  IV,  p.  391. 

*  IVorthington's  Diary,  I,  p.  163.    Jan.  30,  1659. 
B  British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  648,  f.  47. 

'  The  Practice  of  Christian  Perfection.  By  Thomas  White,  Lon- 
don, 1652.  Dedicatory  Epistle  ..."  Except  you  have  holinesse,  you 
will  be  subject  to  run  out  to  the  wild  and  ungodly  studies  of  Jacob 
Boehme,  Astrology,  etc." 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  91 

Treatise  concerning  Enthusiasm  discussed  the  "  Teu- 
tonic Chimericall  extravagancies  of  Religion "  and  men- 
tioned in  a  note,  page  126,  "  Wigelius,  Stifelius,  Jac. 
Behmius;  and  divers  others  of  that  countrie,  mere  Fanat- 
icks ;  as  unto  any  sober  man  may  appear  by  their  writings : 
some  of  which  have  been  translated  into  English."  The 
year  following,  Dr.  Henry  More  (1614-1687),  the  head  of 
the  Cambridge  Platonists,  whose  interest  in  the  whole 
mystical,  Neoplatonic  movement  dates  back  to  his  reading 
of  the  Theologia  Germanica,  criticised  Boehme  rather  un- 
favorably in  his  Enthiisiasmus  Triumphatus.  In  1670  he 
published  the  Philosophiae  Teutonicae  censura,  devoted  en- 
tirely to  a  discussion  of  Boehme.  He  condemns  the  latter 
for  his  claim  of  inspiration,  but  speaks  highly  of  him  as  a 
sincere  man  who  intended  no  fraud.  In  fact,  he  said  so 
much  in  favor  of  Boehme  that  the  whole  criticism,  according 
to  Carriere,  had  the  opposite  effect  from  the  intended  warn- 
ing against  Boehme;  it  acted,  in  fact,  as  a  favorable 
judgment  on  the  part  of  an  unprejudiced  theologian.  The 
growth  of  the  interest  in  Boehme's  writings  between  1655 
when  he  is  mentioned  in  a  note  and  1670  when  a  learned  man 
devotes  to  him  a  whole  treatise  is  remarkable,  especially  in 
view  of  More's  statement  that  Boehme  has  very  many  ad- 
mirers,1 and  just  as  many  persons  who  consider  him  a  dia- 
bolical heretic.  More  calls  Boehme  the  apostle  of  the 
Quakers.2 

1  Opera  Omnia,  I,  p.  531 :  "  Sed  hoc  est  quod  dico  me  nempe  mani- 
festo mei  ipsum  obnoxium  reperire  censurae  duarum  et  diametro 
oppositarum  hominum  partium,  quippe  alteri  Autorem.  Quern  ex- 
aminandum  auscepi,  tanti  aestimant,  ut  nihil  infra  Canonizationem 
et  Infallibilitatem,  juxta  hos  enormes  illius  Admiratores,  Meritorum 
ejus  magnitutinem  sequare  possit.  Alteri  e  contra  eum  ade6  ex- 
ccrantur  tanquam  Hereticum  Diabolicum." 

1  Opera  Omnia,  p.  532. 


92  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

It  is  said  that  More's  interest  in  Boehme  was  due  to  the 
influence  of  Lady  Anne  Conway,1  his  "  heroine  pupil,"  at 
whose  desire  More  wrote  on  Boehme.  It  may  be  that  his 
real  interest  in  the  Teutonic  philosopher,  of  whom  he  had 
known  as  early  as  1646  through  his  friend  Charles  Hotham, 
dates  back  to  the  time  of  the  Conjectura  Cabbalistica  (1653), 
of  which  Lady  Conway  was  also  the  inspiration.  A 
lover  of  the  cabalistic  doctrines  could  hardly  fail  to  be  at- 
tracted to  Boehme.  Certain  it  is  that  More's  criticism  in 
1656  (in  his  Enthusiasmus  Triumphatus,  p.  294),  is  already 
of  the  very  kindly  tenor  of  the  Censura  appearing  fourteen 
years  later.  Although  More  considers  the  poor  shoemaker 
a  holy  and  good  man,  he  will  not  admit  that  his  writings 
must  proceed  "  from  an  infallible  spirit."  In  the  Divine 
Dialogues  (2nd  ed.  1667,  pp.  460-70),  More  discourses  again 
at  some  length  on  Boehme's  doctrines  and  closes  by  affirming 
that  there  is  but  little  danger  in  the  Boehmist  sect,  since  "  at 
present,  by  a  kind  of  oblique  stroke,  God  does  notable  exe- 
cution upon  the  dead  formality  and  carnality  of  Christendom 
by  these  zealous  Evangelists  of  an  internal  Saviour." 

Lady  Conway's  interest  in  Neoplatonism  was  well-known 
— "  her  perusing  of  both  Plato  and  Plotinus,  her  searching 
into  and  judiciously  sifting  the  abstrusest  writers  of  The- 
osophy."  z  Finally,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  More,  her 
learned  tutor  and  friend,  she  became  a  professed  Quaker. 
She  had  attended  meetings  of  the  Quakers  with  her  phy- 
sician, Mercurius  van  Helmont,  who  lived  long  in  her  family. 
Van  Helmont  was  the  son  of  Jean  Baptiste  van  Helmont,  the 
alchemist  and  follower  of  Paracelsus.  If  we  judge  from  his 

1  Richard  Ward :  The  Life  of  the  Learned  and  Pious  Dr.  Henry 
More,  London,  1710.  Edited  by  M.  F.  Howard,  London,  1911,  p. 
206. 

1  Ward,  p.  205. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  93 

character  as  sketched  by  More  in  the  Divine  Dialogues  he 
seems  to  have  been  "  skillful  but  eccentric  and  superstitious 
in  his  profession,  and  pious  in  a  mystical  way  more  akin  to 
Behmenism  than  to  the  Quakers." x  Lady  Convvay  em- 
bodied her  own  beliefs  on  the  principles  of  philosophy  in  a 
dissertation  which  was  published  some  time  after  her 
death.2  She  makes  no  direct  mention  of  Boehme,  but  many 
of  her  theories  are  thoroughly  Boehmenistic  in  tone ;  the 
whole  work  is  Neoplatonic  with  a  special  leaning  to  the 
Kabalah. 

Beginning  with  the  letter  of  January  8,  1668,  the  corre- 
spondence between  Hartlib's  friend  Worthington  and  Henry 
More  has  frequent  references  to  Boehme.  "  I  believe  you 
had  your  ears  full  of  Behmenism  at  Ragly  (Lady  Conway's 
home),"  writes  Worthington;  "  for  when  I  was  at  London, 
I  met  with  one  who  was  to  buy  all  Jacob  Behmen's  works, 
to  send  thither.  I  wish  (thought  I)  that  nobody  trouble 
their  heads  more  than  needs  about  finding  what  is  not  to 
be  had  there,  but  is  in  other  books  to  better  purpose,  and 
without  such  trouble."  3  Later  letters  presuppose  an  ex- 
cellent knowledge  of  Boehme's  doctrines  on  the  part  of 
both  writers  and  show  their  common  opinion  of  the 
great  good  amid  the  "  stubble,  wood  and  hay  "  of  his  im- 
perfect style.  Worthington  in  fact  cared  enough  about 
these  writings  to  speak  particularly  of  them  in  his  will ;  to 
his  aunt,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Foxcroft,  he  left  "  what  pieces  " 
he  had  of  Boehme's.4 

*  Ward,  p.  17. 

*  Principia   Pkilosophiae   antiquissimae   ct  recentissitnae   de   Deo 
Christo,  Amsterdam,  1690.    Translated  into  English :  The  principles 
of  the  most  ancient  and  modern  philosophers.    Made  English  by 
J.  C,  London,  1692. 

*  Washington's  Diary,  II,  pt.  ii,  p.  287  ff. 
4  Worthington's  Diary,  II,  pt.  ii,  p.  370. 


94  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

This  influence  which  we  have  been  tracing  and  which  we 
have  found  molding  the  thoughts  of  the  intellectual  leaders 
of  this  period — learned  men  of  various  types — was  at  work 
more  generally  in  the  hearts  of  the  common  people.  We 
have  spoken  of  the  rise  of  various  English  sects  under  the 
impulse  of  the  nurseries  of  freedom  in  Holland  which  sent 
to  England  a  persistent  stream  of  mystical  opinion  and 
literature.  This  stream  was  the  source  of  the  animating 
ideas  of  Anabaptists,  Familists,  Seekers,  Quakers,  and  many 
other  sects  insisting  upon  relinquishing  lifeless  ceremonies 
the  inner  meaning  of  which  had  long  been  forgotten.  The 
earliest  'mention  of  a  distinct  sect  that  followed  Boehme's 
teachings  falls  in  1655. 

It  is  from  Richard  Baxter  (1615-1691),  the  great  Puritan 
opponent  of  all  sects  whatever,  that  we  get  the  most  in- 
formation concerning  the  Boehmenists.  "  In  these  times 
(especially  since  the  Rump  reigned),"  he  tells  us,1  "  sprang 
up  five  sects  at  least,  whose  Doctrines  were  almost  the  same, 
but  they  fell  into  several  shapes  and  names:  i.  The  Vanists; 
2.  The  Seekers;  3.  The  Ranters;  4.  The  Quakers;  5.  The 
Behmenists."  The  fifth  group  forms  the  sect  "  whose 
Opinions  go  much  toward  the  way  of  the  former  [Quakers], 
for  the  Sufficiency  of  the  Light  of  Nature,  the  Salvation 
of  Heathen  as  well  as  Christians,  and  a  dependence  on 
Revelation,  etc.  But  they  are  fewer  in  number,  and  seem 
to  have  attained  to  greater  Meekness  and  conquest  of 
Passions  than  any  of  the  rest.  Their  doctrine  is  to  be  seen 
in  Jacob  Behmen's  Books,  by  him  that  hath  nothing  else 
to  do,  than  to  bestow  a  great  deal  of  time  to  understand 
him  that  was  not  willing  to  be  easily  understood,  and  to 

1  Reliquiae  Baxterianae,  or  Mr.  Richard  Baxter's  Narrative  of  the 
most  Memorable  Passages  of  his  Life  and  Times,  I,  p.  74,  §  119; 
I,  P-  77,  §  124- 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  95 

know  that  his  bombasted  words  do  signifie  nothing  more 
than  before  was  easily  known  by  common  terms.  The 
chiefest  of  these  in  England  are  Dr.  Pordage  and  his 
Family,  who  live  together  in  community,  and  pretend  to 
hold  visible  and  sensible  communion  with  angels."  In  a 
later  discussion  of  the  Nonconformists  Baxter  states  :  "  The 
fourth  sort  are  the  Independents  .  .  .  who  have  opened  the 
door  to  Anabaptists  first,  and  then  to  all  the  other  Sects. 
These  Sects  are  numerous,  some  tolerable  and  some  in- 
tolerable, and  being  never  incorporated  with  the  rest,  are 
not  to  be  reckoned  with  them.  Many  of  them  (the  Behmen- 
ists,  Fifth  Monarchy-men,  Quakers,  and  some  Anabaptists) 
are  proper  Fanaticks,  looking  too  much  to  Revelation  within, 
instead  of  the  Holy  Scripture."  1  Baxter  considers  likewise 
that  the  "  Popish  Interest  "  is  advanced  "  by  their  secret 
agency  among  the  sectaries,  Seekers,  Quakers,  Behmenists, 
etc."  2  The  one  friend  whom  Baxter  prized  from  his  early 
visit  to  London  (about  1643)  was  Humphrey  Blunden 
"  who  is  since  turned  an  extraordinary  Chymist,  and  got 
Jacob  Behmen  his  works  translated  and  printed."  3 

The  Dr.  John  Pordage  (1607-1681)  mentioned  by  Baxter 
was  rector  of  Bradford  from  1647  to  1654  under  the  patron- 
age of  Elias  Ashmole,  who  had  become  interested  in  Por- 
dage on  account  of  his  knowledge  of  astrology.  In  1647, 
Pordage  was  tried  for  incompetency  before  the  committee 
appointed  during  the  interregnum  to  examine  the  cases  of 
ministers,  and  the  charge  against  him  was  dismissed.4  In 
1654  he  was  tried  again,  and  on  this  occasion  removed  from 
his  living.  The  accusation  of  being  a  mystical  pantheist 


Baxterianae,  II,  p.  387,  §  285. 
1  Reliquiae  Baxterianae,  I,  p.  116,  §  181. 
*  Reliquiae  Baxterianae,  I,  p.  n. 
'Wood:  Athcnae  Oxonienses,  II,  p.  149. 


96  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

and  his  friendship  for  Abiezer  Coppe,  in  1649  a  member  of 
his  household,  worked  against  him.  Coppe  was  an  Ana- 
baptist who  later  joined  the  Ranters;  in  1651  he  had  been 
in  correspondence  with  John  Dury.1 

Pordage's  relation  to  Boehme  explains  the  accusation  of 
mystical  pantheism  brought  in  1651-1654.  Pordage  did 
not,  however,  give  up  his  study  of  the  Teutonic  philosopher. 
In  1683  was  published  his  posthumous  work,  Theologia 
Mystica,2  which  Gottfried  Arnold  praised  because  it  clearly 
and  simply  explained  the  hardest  part  of  Boehme's  writ- 
ings.3 Pordage,  like  many  men  of  his  time,  was  strongly 
influenced  by  astrology  and  alchemy,  full  of  superstition 
regarding  spirits  and  magic,  yet  susceptible  at  the  same 
time  to  the  highest  mystical  influences  and  inspiration. 
Ennemoser  suggests  a  connection  between  Boehme  and 
Pordage,  also  between  Boehme  and  Henry  More,  because 
of  the  investigation,  on  the  part  of  both  Pordage  and  More, 
of  the  Kabalah,  which  Boehme  had  studied  with  his  learned 
friend  Balthasar  Walter.4 

Baxter,  the  authority  on  sectaries  and  "  enthusiasts," 
repeats  again  and  again  his  warnings  against  Quakers  and 
Behmenists.  "  The  new  sects  that  rise  up,"  he  tells  us, 
"  are  as  confident  that  they  are  in  the  right  and  condemn 
all  others,  as  if  they  had  never  been  warned  by  the  example 
of  so  many  before  them.  .  .  .  We  cannot  wonder  therefore 
if  among  other  sects,  the  Quakers  (with  their  German 

*  Article,  "  Coppe  " :  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

3  Theologia  Mystica  or  the  Mystic  Divinitie  of  the  Aeternal  In- 
visible .  .  .  By  a  person  of  Qualitie  J  P  M  D  [John  Pordage, 
M.D.]  London,  1683.  Preface  signed  J.  L.  [Jane  Lead].  Pub- 
lished by  Edward  Hooker. 

"Gottfried  Arnold:  Kirchen-  und  Ketserhistorie,  II,  p.  1107. 
(Arnold's  commendation  is  hardly,  justified.) 

*  Joseph  Ennemoser :  Geschichte  der  Magie,  Leipzig,  1844,  p.  72. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  97 

Brethren,  the  Paracelsians,  Behmenists  and  Seekers)  do 
step  in  and  take  their  turns  in  the  game,  .  .  .  the  Quakers 
that  give  us  their  doctrine  on  a  new  Authority  within  them 
(and  so  Behmenists,  Paracelsians  and  all  Enthusiasts)  .  .  . 
All  along  through  most  ages  these  Hereticks  have  sped, 
even  down  to  the  David-Georgians,  Weigelians,  Familists, 
and  the  like  of  late."  x  The  Established  Church  with  its 
trained  and  salaried  clergy  must  be  defended  against  the 
claims  of  a  ministry  depending  only  on  the  "  inner  light." 
"  True  ministers  are  like  a  '  Light  that  shineth  to  all  the 
house,' "  Baxter  declares,  "  but  let  us  try  the  particulars 
[of  sectarian  ministry],  I.  The  Seekers  have  no  church 
or  ministry.  2.  The  Quakers  have  no  ordination.  3.  The 
Anabaptists,  Socinians,  Swenkfeldians,  Familists,  Para- 
celsians, Weigelians,  and  such  like  have  no  more  to  show 
for  their  ministry  than  we,  but  their  errors ;  and  are  so  few 
and  lately  sprung  up  that  of  them  also  I  may  say,  that  he 
that  taketh  them  for  the  only  church,  or  ministers,  is  either 
out  of  the  faith,  or  much  out  of  his  wits."  2 

The  German  origin  of  this  sectarian  life,  more  than  hinted 
at  in  Baxter's  pamphlets,  was  often  conceded  in  the  polemics 
against  the  Quakers  and  other  sects.3  In  fact,  in  his  earliest 
mention  of  Boehme,  Baxter  sketches  the  indebtedness  of 
the  English  mystical  movement  to  Paracelsus  and  the  Ger- 
man mystics:  "John  Arndt  magnifieth  him  [Paracelsus]; 

1  Baxter:  One  Sheet  against  the  Quakers,  London,  1657,  pp.  i, 
12,  13. 

'Baxter:  A  Second  Sheet  for  the  Ministry  justifying  our  calling 
against  Quakers.  Seekers,  and  Papists,  and  all  that  deny  us  to  be 
the  Ministers  of  God.  London,  1657,  p.  12. 

1  See  The  Heart  of  New  England  rent  at  the  Blasphemies  of  the 
present  Generation  .  .  .  concerning  the  Doctrine  of  the  Quakers. 
John  Norton,  London,  1659.  Also  Johannes  Becoldus  Redivivus; 
the  English  Quaker,  the  German  Enthusiast  Revived,  London? 
[Anony.] 


98  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

Weigelius  calls  him  exceedingly  illuminated  and  his  The- 
ologie  he  calls  the  pure  and  uncorrupt  Scripture  of  the 
Prophets  and  Apostles.  This  Weigelius  was  the  chief  of 
his  followers  and  successors.  Then  steps  in  John  Arndt, 
Julius  Sperber,  Jesaias  Stiefel  and  Ezekiel  Meth,  Paul  Fel- 
genhauer,  and  Jacob  Behmen,  whose  books,  much  taken  out 
of  Paracelsus,  and  furthered  by  Kempis,  Taulerus  and 
others,  are  now  translated  into  English  by  some  admirers  of 
him,  possessed  by  the  same  conceits."  1  The  general  relation 
of  the  whole  English  movement  to  German  mysticism  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  all  the  accusations  which  the 
orthodox  clergy  in  Germany  brought  up  against  Weigel  and 
Boehme  were  likewise  brought  up  against  the  English  Inde- 
pendents and  Quakers.2  In  Germany  these  religious-politi- 
cal Separatists  would  have  been  called  "  Weigelianer  "  and 
"  Rosenkretizer." 

With  very  few  exceptions  the  early  information  regard- 
ing the  Boehmists  and  the  spread  of  their  doctrines  in  Eng- 
land comes  to  us  from  their  opponents,  who  at  least  did 
not  exaggerate  in  their  favor.  Baxter  has  another  men- 
tion of  them  in  1655  3  in  which  he  groups  them  with  the 
Quakers  as  persons  under  the  influence  of  the  Papists  and 
their  doctrines.  Baxter  may  have  noted  that  his  century 
marked  also  a  revival  of  quietistic  and  mystical  devotion 
among  English  Catholics,  as  may  be  seen  from  their  publica- 
tions. John  Anderdon  writes  One  Blow  at  Babel  in  those 
of  the  People  called  Behmenites*  in  which,  amid  all  his 

1  Baxter :  The  Unreasonableness  of  Infidelity;  manifested  in  four 
discourses,  London,  1655.    See  No.  3:  For  Prevention  of  the  Un- 
pardonable Sin  against  the  Holy-Ghost,  p.  147. 

2  Opel :  Valentin  Weigel,  pp.  307-8. 

1  Baxter :  The  Quakers'  Catechism,  London,  1655. 
4  John  Anderdon:  One  Blow  at  Babel  in  those  of  the  People  called 
Behmcnites,  whose  foundation  is  not  upon  that  of  the  Prophets  and 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  99 

harsh  criticism  of  "  imaginary  conceptions  and  carnal 
inventions,"  he  seems  obliged  to  admit  that  there  "  some- 
times appeared  an  excellent  spirit  in  Jacob  Behmen  in  some 
things."  Thomas  Underbill,  in  his  history  of  the  Quakers,1 
speaks  of  a  sect,  "  a  more  soberer  sort,  possest  with  the 
fancies  of  Jacob  Bemon,  the  German  Paracelsian  prophet, 
and  the  Rosicrucians  " ;  he  quotes  Baxter's  Sin  against  the 
Holy  Ghost.  In  An  Argument  for  Union,2  1683,  the  Beh- 
menists  are  mentioned  in  a  list  of  sects  that  can  hardly  be 
permitted  to  associate  with  Presbyterians  and  other  true 
Christians. 

According  to  Baxter,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Quakers  and 
the  Behmenists  held  very  similar  beliefs.  This  was  the 
general  opinion  of  contemporary  writers  on  Quakerism.3 
Lodowick  Muggleton  states  it  plainly  in  his  Looking-glass 
for  George  Fox  the  Quaker4;  the  book  called  Christianity 
no  Enthusiasm,  in  answer  to  Thomas  Ellwood's  Defence  5 

Apostles,  which  shall  stand  sure  and  firm  forever;  but  upon  their 
own  Carnal  Conceptions,  begotten  in  their  Imaginations  upon  Jacob 
Behmen's  Writings,  London,  1662. 

1  Thomas  Underbill :  Hell  broke  loose:  An  history  of  the  Quakers, 
London,  1660. 

'An  Argument  for  Union  taken  from  the  True  Interest  of  those 
Dissenters  in  England  who  profess  and  call  themselves  Protestants, 
London,  1683. 

*  See  A.  W.  Boehme,  p.  920,  and  Colberg,  I,  pp.  292-308. 

*  Looking-glass  for  George  Fox  the  Quaker  and  other  Quakers, 
London.    Reprinted  1756.  P.  10:  "I  suppose  Jacob  Behmont's  Books 
were  the  chief  Books  that  the  Quakers  bought,   for  there  is  the 
Principle  or  Foundation  of  their  Religion  ...  as  for  what  books 
else    you    Quakers    have    bestowed    money    upon    since   you    were 
Quakers,  I  think  the  Stationers  will  neither  justify,  neither  can  you 
shew  none  of  any  value." 

8  Christianity  no  Enthusiasm:  or  the  several  kinds  of  Inspira- 
tions and  Revelations  pretended  to  by  the  Quakers,  tried  and  found 
destructive  to  Holy  Scripture  and  True  Religion:  In  Answer  to 
Thomas  Elwood's  Defence  thereof  in  his  Tracts,  miscalled  Truth 
Prevailing,  London,  1678,  pp.  86-87. 


ioo  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

compares  Boehme's  teaching  of  the  opening  of  the  spirit 
within  to  the  Quaker  Seed  or  Birth.  The  final  merging  of 
the  Boehmenists,  as  well  as  of  the  Familists  and  the  Seekers, 
with  the  Quakers,  was  brought  about,  as  the  period  of  the 
religion  of  enthusiasm  was  nearing  its  close,  by  the  dominat- 
ing personality  and  constructive  genius  of  George  Fox,  the 
great  Quaker  leader.1 

The  influence  of  Boehme  on  Quakerism  was  more,  how- 
ever, than  the  merging  of  two  related  sects.  George  Fox 
himself  must  have  read  Boehme  during  the  formative  period 
of  his  development.  Barclay  brings  out  the  striking  simi- 
larity of  utterance  on  the  part  of  the  two  men ; 2  Sippell  calls 
it  "  free  quotation  from  Boehme's  writings  "  on  the  part  of 
Fox.3  "  The  burden  of  the  mystery  of  evil  in  its  many 
concrete  forms  was  always  upon  George  Fox's  spirit ;  "  4 
the  mystery  of  evil  was  the  keynote  of  Boehme's  thought. 

Justice  Hotham,  who  presided  at  one  of  the  many  hear- 
ings of  George  Fox,  recognized  the  identity  between  Boehme 
and  Fox  in  their  teachings  regarding  the  "  inner  light." 
Fox  relates  the  event  in  his  Journal  for  1651.  "Justice 
Hotham :  a  pretty  tender  man  yt  had  had  some  experiences 
of  Gods  workeinge  in  his  hearte:  and  after  yt  I  had  some 
discourse  with  him  off  ye  thinges  of  God  hee  tooke  me  into 
his  Closett  and  saide  hee  had  knowne  yt  principle  this  10 
yeere:  and  hee  was  glad  yt  ye  Lord  did  now  publish  it 
abroad  to  people."  5  Norman  Penney  in  his  notes  to  the 

1  Thomas  Hancock :  The  Peculium,  London,  1907,  p.  122. 

1  Robert  Barclay:  The  Inner  Life  of  the  Religious  Societies  of 
the  Commonwealth,  London,  1876.  P.  213  has  passages  from  Fox's 
Journal,  1648,  with  parallel  passages  from  Boehme. 

'Theodor  Sippell:  Article  on  Quakers  in  Christliche  Welt  (pub. 
Marburg  im  Harz)  for  1910,  p.  436. 

4  Braithwaite :  Beginnings  of  Quakerism,  London,  1913,  p.  xliii. 

*  The  Journal  of  George  Fox  edited  by  Norman  Penney.  Intro, 
by  T.  E.  Harvey,  Cambridge,  1911,  I,  p.  18. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  101 

Journal  suggests  the  identity  of  this  justice  with  Sir  John 
Hotham  of  Scarborough.1  Sippell  speaks  of  him  as  Justice 
Durand  Hotham,  whom  we  have  already  met 2  as  a  disciple 
of  Boehme.  Justice  Hotham  was  the  uncle  of  Sir  John 
Hotham.  If  Durand  Hotham  had  known  of  Boehme's 
"  principle  "  for  ten  years,  he  must  have  read  Boehme  in 
MS.  three  years  before  the  printing  of  the  latter's  works 
was  begun  in  England. 

The  Seekers  of  Westmoreland,  under  the  leadership  of 
Thomas  Taylor,  Francis  Howgil,  John  Camm,  and  John 
Audland,  went  over  in  a  body  to  the  Quakers.  Certainly 
Thomas  Taylor  (1618-1682),  originally  a  preacher  of  the 
Established  Church,  later  a  strong  Puritan,  with  his  particu- 
lar followers  and  perhaps  some  of  the  other  leaders  of  the 
Seekers,  was  a  devout  disciple  of  Boehme  before  he  became 
a  Quaker.3  Other  Quakers  were  students  of  Jakob  Boehme 
before  they  became  followers  of  George  Fox,  for  instance, 
William  Bayley  4  and  F.  Eccles,  who  published  prophetical 
passages  from  Boehme's  works.5 

A  change  of  attitude  toward  Boehme's  teachings  on  the 
part  of  the  Quakers  and  a  rigorous  attempt  to  rule  out  his 
influence  shows  how  generally  prevalent  this  interest  in 
Boehme  had  become.  The  first  indication  of  this  change 
of  attitude  occurred  "  at  a  meeting  at  Rebecca  Travers  the 
2 1st  7  mo.  1674.  Upon  reading  of  an  Epistle  of  Ralph 

1  Journal  of  George  Fox,  I,  p.  400. 

2  Sippell,  p.  440. 

*  Hauck:  Nachtrage,  1913.  Article  on  Seekers.  Also  Braith- 
waite:  Beginnings  of  Quakerism. 

*A  collection  of  the  several  Wrightings  of  that  True  Prophet, 
Faithful  Servant  of  God  and  Sufferer  for  the  Testimony  of  Jesus, 
William  Bayley,  London,  1676.  See  introduction  "  to  the  Reader." 

6  Christian  Information  concerning  these  Last  times  .  .  .  also 
some  prophetical  Passages  gathered  out  of  Jacob  Behme's  Works: 
F.  E[ccles],  London,  1664. 


IO2  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Fretwells  to  the  Behmenists  it  was  agreed  upon  that  a  letter 
be  writ  to  him  and  subscribed  by  Freinds  of  this  meeting 
giving  their  reasons  why  it  will  not  be  of  service  to  the 
Truth  to  print  it."  1  In  1675  tne  ^rst  formal  order  was  is- 
sued that  in  future  no  books  be  printed  but  what  are  read 
and  approved,  Ralph  Fretwell's  epistle  to  the  Behmenites  is 
minuted  as  "  not  to  be  published,  not  suitable,  not  safe,"  and 
two  printers  of  the  Society  were  especially  cautioned  against 
any  infringement  of  these  restrictions.2  A  letter  of  1676 
in  the  correspondence  of  Stephen  Crisp  shows  that  there 

1MS.  of  Morning  Meeting  Book:  I,  1673  to  1692,  ff.  i,  2.  At 
Friends  Reference  Library,  Devonshire  House,  London.  A  copy  of 
the  letter  is  as  follows :  "  Deare  f reind  R.  F.  .  .  .  Among  other 
things  that  came  before  us  thy  Epistle  to  the  Behmenists  was  pre- 
sented and  read  and  wee  haveing  well  weighed  it  in  the  feare  of  God 
and  in  tender  care  of  his  Truth  did  think  meet  to  signifie  unto  thee, 
that  wee  are  not  free  it  should  be  printed,  hopeing  thou  wilt  acquiesce 
with  our  Judgments  therein,  especially  when  thou  knowes  our 
reasons;  which  in  short  are  these:  First  wee  know  the  Spirit  in 
which  J.  B.  wrote  many  of  his  writings  was  not  clear,  but  he  lived 
in  a  great  mixture  of  light  and  darkness  as  to  his  understanding, 
and  sometimes  the  power  of  the  one  prevailed  and  sometimes  the 
power  of  the  other.  Now  the  fruit  of  the  one  is  judged  in  the  day 
of  God,  and  the  other  comes  to  its  own  center  and  flows  forth  again 
more  purely :  Then  there  being  no  distinction  in  thy  Tytle,  the  Foxes 
among  them  would  take  advantage  against  us  and  the  Truth,  for 
denying  Infants  Baptisme,  and  the  Bread,  and  Wine,  and  Pater 
Noster  etc.  for  all  which  he  wrote  as  may  be  seen,  and  then  to 
tell  them  thou  rec'd  Light  and  power  by  them,  is  too  much  giving 
them  encouragement  to  dwell  there,  where  life  is  not,  but  dryness 
and  barrenness  have  followed  all  who  have  stuck  in  his  woods,  and 
not  come  down  to  the  seed  that  opens  the  misteries  of  God's  King- 
dome  in  themselves.  Soo  deare  freind  hoping  this  short  hint  of 
things  may  tend  to  thy  satisfaction  in  this  matter,  wee  rest  leaving 
thee  to  the  Lord's  blessed  power,  by  which  thou  and  many  in  that 
Island  wee  understand  are  blessedly  visited  praying  daily  for  your 
growth  and  establishment  therein  in  which  farewell.  Thy  Freinds  in 
Truth. 

Steven  Crisp,  William  Gibson,  William  Bayley  and  five  others." 

*  The  London  Friends  Meetings,  London,  1869,  p.  342. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  103 

was  still  a  difference  of  opinion  regarding  Boehme  among 
the  members  of  the  Society.1  In  1681,  Boehme's  works 
were  definitely  proscribed  by  the  Dublin  Men's  Meeting 
and  a  minister  silenced  for  lending  them.2  It  would  appear 
that  the  reason  for  this  decided  change  of  attitude  toward 
Boehme  lay  in  the  different  beliefs  regarding  the  sacra- 
ments. The  Quakers  wished  to  do  away  with  the 
sacraments  entirely.  Upon  the  reading  of  Boehme's  work 
Of  Chris? s  Testaments,  published  1652,  they  began  to  raise 
objections  to  Boehme;  they  avoided  more  and  more  the 
peculiar  expressions  that  they  had  taken  from  Boehme's 
writings,  until  one  of  the  early  followers  of  Fox  could 
later  reproach  his  leader  for  now  speaking  a  different  lan- 
guage from  formerly.3 

Quakerism,  the  form  under  which  English  Independency 
reached  the  highest  point  in  the  development  of  ideas  of 
freedom,  independence,  and  democracy,  the  form  under 
which  after  its  brief  period  of  political  authority  it  returned 
to  more  strictly  religious  ideals,  was  also  the  form  under 
which  the  purely  religious  side  of  humanism  most  nearly 
approached  the  humanism  of  the  free  societies  and  acade- 
mies, that  is,  in  the  "  Christian  society  of  Friends,"  the 
name  used  by  Fox  in  1653.  The  first  Quakers  formed  a 
great  brotherhood.  It  was  this  close  union  within  a  firm 
and  well-planned  organization  that  made  their  progress  so 
positive  and  their  increase  so  significant,  that  made  of  the 
Quakers,  from  the  first,  almost  a  secret  society,  like  the 
"  Friends  of  God  "  of  the  fourteenth  century.  This  or- 
ganization, combined  with  the  important  ideas  they  devel- 

1  Steven  Crisp  and  his  Correspondents,  1657-1692.  Being  a  synop- 
sis of  the  letters  of  the  Colchester  Collection.  Edited  C.  Fell 
Smith,  1892,  p.  38. 

1  Barclay,  p.  479,  note. 

1  Sippell,  p.  440.     See  also  Troeltsch,  p.  907. 


IO4  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

oped  and  disseminated,  enabled  the  Quakers,  of  all  the  en- 
thusiastic sects  of  the  century,  to  win  a  permanent  existence 
and  to  receive  into  their  membership  many  adherents  of 
slightly  differing  shades  of  belief.  The  courageous  endur- 
ance, furthermore,  of  their  despised  sect — an  endurance 
which  no  persecution  could  dismay — accomplished  wonders 
toward  the  ultimate  dissemination  of  the  ideas  animating 
the  early  teachers  of  true  humanity.  The  cult-language  of 
the  Society  of  Friends,  of  the  Bohemian  Brotherhood,  of 
the  Waldenses,  of  the  Anabaptists,  and  of  the  old  evangeli- 
cal communities  shows  many  similarities;  there  are  mani- 
fold echoes  likewise  from  the  inner  circles  of  the  academies 
and  the  free  societies.  The  Society  of  Friends  stood  in 
much  closer  personal  relation  to  the  contemporary  secular 
societies  of  friends,  as  members  of  the  academies  often  called 
themselves,  than  we  usually  suppose.  This  characteristic 
emphasis  on  friendship  is  shown  in  the  name  of  the  Ger- 
man student  academy  "  Orden  der  Freundschaft "  or 
"  Amizisten,"  which  received,  curiously  enough,  among 
other  abusive  epithets,  the  name  "  Verfluchte  Quaker."  It 
is  interesting  to  note  that  the  German  "  Sprachgesell- 
schaften,"  like  the  Anabaptists  and  the  Quakers,  refused  to 
take  oath.1 

Up  to  this  point  we  have  attempted  to  throw  light 
upon  the  spread  of  Boehme's  writings  approximately  during 
the  lifetime  of  Milton.  Perhaps  the  greatest  proof  of  the 
impetus  that  the  movement  had  gained  in  England,  even  in 
its  earlier  years,  is  shown  by  its  continued  growth  and  vital- 
ity. That  which  found  expression  in  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century  in  sectarian  life,  "  in  the  regular  so- 
cieties of  Behmenists  in  Holland  and  England,  embracing 
not  only  the  cultivated  but  the  vulgar,"  continued  not  as  a 

*M.  C.  G.,  XVI,  p.  155,  XVII,  p.  264. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  105 

sect  but  as  the  leavening  teaching,  philosophical  as  well  as 
devotional,  within  the  recognized  churches.  There  were 
many  churchmen  who  were  quite  as  much  followers  of 
Boehme  as  those  persons  who  had  left  the  church  to  join 
a  Behmenite  separatist  group.  A  man  of  this  type  was 
Edward  Taylor  (died  1684  in  Dublin),  whose  clear  and  lucid 
style  recommends  his  explanation  of  Boehme's  principles, 
collected  and  published  in  1691. x  An  undated  MS.  copy 
of  the  Way  to  Christ  has  at  the  end  in  another  hand 
(unquestionably  of  the  seventeenth  century)  a  series  of 
"  Pious  Meditations  "  and  a  "  Prayer  in  time  of  Affliction  " 
that  show  the  owner  of  the  volume  to  have  been  an  orthodox 
churchman.2 

A  seventeenth-century  English  society,  founded  for  the 
purpose  of  studying  and  explaining  the  teachings  of 
Boehme,  a  society  much  smaller  and  of  much  less  im- 
portance than  the  Society  of  Friends  and  with  none  of  its 
missionary  zeal,  was  the  Philadelphian  Society.  This  first 
appeared  publicly  in  London  in  1697  and  had  an  organized 
exsitence  only  until  1704,  but  it  was  really  part  of  a  group 
of  "  spiritual  people  who  for  above  fifty  years  had  met  to- 
gether after  the  primitive  way  of  attendance  or  waiting 
for  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  assist  them  in  Praying  or  Speaking 
to  Edification  of  each  other.  And  these  are  supposed  to 
have  had  their  rise,  at  least  in  part,  from  some  English 

1  Edward  Taylor :  Jacob  Behmen's  Theosophic  Philosophy  Un- 
folded. (With  a  short  account  of  Boehme's  life.)  London,  1691. 

1  Bodleian  Library,  MS.  Rawl.  C  763.  From  "  A  Prayer  in  time 
of  Affliction,"  f.  io6b,  "...  adding  likewise  to  ye  -guilt  of  my 
transgressions,  for  was  it  through  ignorance  that  I  suffered  innocent 
blood  to  be  shed  by  a  false  pretended  way  of  Justice;  or  that  per- 
mitted a  wrong  way  of  thy  worship  to  be  sett  up  in  Scotland?  and 
injured  the  Bi[sho]ps  in  England?  O  no;  but  with  shame  and  griefe 
I  confess  that  I  therein  followed  the  persuasions  of  worldly  wis- 
dome,  forsaking  the  dictates  of  a  right  enformed  conscience." 


io6  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

mysticks,  with  whose  writings  they  were  conversant  and 
afterward  from  a  fresh  gale  and  excitement  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  for  Revival  of  that  work  of  God  and  Preparation  of 
His  kingdom.  This  was  first  experienced  by  Mrs.  Pordage, 
wife  of  Dr.  John  Pordage,  author  of  the  Theologia  Mystica : 
who  married  her  for  excellent  gift  and  became  himself 
partaker  of  it.  Mr.  Thomas  Bromeley  and  Mr.  Edmund 
Brice  who  having  heard  a  sermon  preached  by  Dr.  Pordage 
at  St.  Marie's  the  University  Church  [Oxford]  went  to- 
gether to  discourse  with  him  and  received  such  a  satisfaction 
from  him  that  they  immediately  joyned  themselves  to  this 
little  society.  Also  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  at  this  time  being 
convinced  of  the  extraordinary  Power  and  Operation  of 
the  Spirit  among  them,  joyned  himself  and  waited  with 
them." * 

The  outcome  of  this  movement  was  a  league  of  Christians 
who  insisted  on  depth  and  inwardness  of  the  spirit.2  They 
likewise  made  plans  to  emigrate  to  America,  the  land  of 
Utopian  freedom.  Jane  Lead  (1623-1704),  who  became 
their  leader,  had  been  greatly  influenced  by  the  Independent 
conventicles  of  London  which  she  visited  in  1643.  In  1652 
she  came  into  close  relationship  with  Pordage  and  Bromley, 
for  a  time  a  member  of  the  Pordage  household,  ardent 
mystics  and,  as  we  know,  students  of  Boehme.  About  1670 

1  Bodleian  Library,  MS.  Rawl.  D.  833,  ff.  64-82.  Miscellaneous 
Papers  of  Richard  Roach  (1662-1730).  He  published  The  Great 
Crisis,  1726  (An  account  of  contemporary  mystics,  etc.)  ;  The  Im- 
perial Standard  of  Messiah  Triumphant,  1727.  Roach  was  a  Phila- 
delphist. 

*  The  following  little  volume  may  be  the  work  of  one  of  the  mem- 
bers of  this  group ;  it  is  a  curious  dissertation  of  creation,  good  and 
evil,  on  Boehme's  principles:  Heaven  the  End  of  Man  or  the  Final 
Cause  of  the  Soul's  Spirit.  By  William  Williams,  Teutonico-Phi- 
losopho-Theologus,  London,  1696. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  107 

she  began  writing  her  many  devotional  books  and  pam- 
phlets, founded  on  Boehme's  theology. 

These  works  of  Jane  Lead  were  by  a  later  writer  recom- 
mended to  the  Rosicrucians,1  probably  the  last  illustration 
of  the  connection  between  Boehme  and  the  alchemists.  A 
similar  connection  is  seen  in  a  group  of  German  Pietists2 
(they  were  also  called  "true  Rosicrucians"  or  "the 
theosophical  brotherhood  ")  under  Johann  Jacob  Zimmer- 
mann  (1644-1694),  who  left  Germany  for  the  new  world 
in  1693.  Zimmermann  was  one  of  the  best  astronomers 
and  mathematicians  of  his  day  and  as  such  received  ac- 
knowledgment from  the  Royal  Society  of  England.  He 
became  interested  in  Boehme  through  his  physician,  Ludwig 
Brunnquell,  wrote  on  Boehme,  and  was  finally  discharged 
from  his  pastorate  on  that  account.  According  to  Croese,3 
Zimmermann  became  the  leader  of  a  group  of  Behmenist 
Pietists  who  bore  a  very  close  resemblance  to  the  Quakers. 
The  emigrants  were  assisted  on  their  way  by  the  Quakers 
of  Holland  and  the  Philadelphists  of  London ;  with  the  lat- 
ter they  had  considerable  intercourse.  In  Pennsylvania, 
from  their  settlement  on  the  banks  of  the  Wissahickon,  they 
began  a  movement  for  systematic  education  and  made  the 
first  attempt  within  the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania  toward  the 
erection  and  maintenance  of  a  charitable  institution  for  re- 
ligious and  moral  education.  To  bring  about  a  union  of  all 
the  various  sects  into  one  universal  Christian  church  was 
one  of  the  chief  aims  of  Johann  Kelpius,  their  leader  since 
the  death  of  Zimmermann  just  before  the  brotherhood  sailed 
from  Holland.  Among  the  books  carried  to  America  by 

'Hermann  Fictuld:  Probierstcin  Chymischcr  Schriften,  quoted  in 
Zeitschrift  fur  Historische  Theologie,  XXXV,  p.  201. 
1  Sachse:  German  Pietists  of  Provincial  Pennsylvania. 
1  Croese :  Quaker-historic,  pp.  742  ff. 


io8  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

these  men  were  several  complete  sets  of  Boehme's  works 
in  the  Amsterdam  edition  of  Gichtel,  1682,  ten  volumes.1 
It  is  instructive  to  compare  the  spirit  of  freedom  and  tolera- 
tion in  Pennsylvania  with  the  spirit  of  religious  compulsion 
which  developed  so  early  in  the  various  colonies  of  Massa- 
chusetts. In  the  latter,  the  memory  of  escape  from  oppres- 
sion quickly  produced  men  who  would  be  masters  in  their 
turn  and  who  evolved  from  evangelical  freedom  a  religious 
regime  with  the  severity  of  Old  Testament  law.  The 
Quaker  colonies  show  how  greatly  the  Calvinistic  spirit  of 
early  Puritanism  had  been  modified  under  the  later  domi- 
nation of  the  religion  of  enthusiasm. 

The  writings  of  Jane  Lead  (to  return  for  a  moment  to  the 
Philadelphists)  were  elaborated  and  published  by  Francis 
Lee  (1661-1719),  fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford,  who 
also  published  works  of  his  own  on  Boehme.2  This  takes 
us  well  into  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  end  of  the  seventeenth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century  saw,  in  fact,  a  number  of  gifted  men 
devoted  to  Boehme's  principles,  men  such  as  Lee,  George 
Cheyne,  Thomas  Tryon,  Dionysius  Andreas  Freher,  William 
Law.3 

'Sachse:  p.  53. 

*  For  list  of  Jane  Lead's  Works  published  between  1681  and  1704 
see  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.     See  also  articles  in  Zeit- 
schrift  fur  Historische  Theologie,  XXXV,  and  British  Quarterly  Re- 
view, LVIII,  pp.  181-87. 

Works  of  Francis  Lee:  Dissertations.    2  vols.    1752. 

Paraphrase  of  Boehme's  Supersensual  Life,  printed  in  Law's  edi- 
tion of  B.,  and  said  by  the  editors  to  be  by  Law,  IV,  1781. 

Mystical  Poems  (in  Jane  Lead's  Works),  almost  certainly  by  Lee. 
See  Notes  and  Queries,  4th  series,  XII,  p.  38.  See  also  list  of 
works  published  anonymously,  in  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
and  J.  H.  Overton:  William  Law,  pp.  408-10. 

*  Works  of  these  followers  of  Boehme  not  mentioned  in  Bibliog- 
raphy : 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  109 

Freher  (1649-1728)  was  a  German  philosopher  of  great 
learning  and  piety.  During  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  spent 
in  London,  he  appears  to  have  been  entirely  taken  up  with 
the  elucidation  and  illustration  of  Boehme's  writings ;  he  also 
continually  had  with  him  a  friend,  Leuchter-by  name,  a 
draftsman,  to  execute  the  beautiful  drawings  and  symbols 
with  which  his  demonstrations  are  so  abundantly  illustrated, 
and  to  make  copies  of  the  same  for  others.  These  com- 
mentaries have  become  known,  although  they  have  never 
been  published.1 

William  Law  (1687-1762),  the  greatest  of  all  the  expo- 
nents of  Boehme,  was  an  eminent  scholar  of  Emmanuel  Col- 
lege, Cambridge,  who  left  holy  orders  because  of  his  refusal 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  King  George  I.  He  learned 
German  in  order  to  make  a  complete  English  edition  of 
Boehme's  works,  based  on  the  careful  German  edition  of 

George  Cheyne  (1671-1743)  : 
Philosophical  Principles  of  Natural  Religion   .    .    .   1/05.    2nd 

ed.,  corrected  and  enlarged,  1715. 
Dr.  Cheyne's  own  Account  of  Himself  and  of  his  Writings 

...  1743- 

Philadelphia  Society. 

Propositions  .  .  .  extracted  from  the  Reasons  for  the  Founda- 
tion of  a  Philadelphian  Society.  1697. 

Theosophical  Transactions  of  the  Philadelphia  Society.  Nos. 
i-5,  1697.  See  also  article  in  The  Dawn,  London,  Dec.,  1862, 
pp.  236-42. 

Thomas  Tryon   (1634-1703)  : 
The  Way  to  Health,  1691. 
Tryon  s  Letters,  1700. 
The  Knowledge  of  a  Man's  Self,  1703. 
Some  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Mr.  Thomas  Tryon  (mostly  by 

himself).     1705. 

1  For  a  list,  see  Freher's  MSS.  in  Appendix  B,  Barker's  edition 
of  the  Threefold  Life  of  Man,  taken  from  Memorial  of  Law, 
pp.  679-84.  These  MSS.  are  in  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  Gordon 
Square,  London. 


no  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Gichtel,  1730.  The  accomplishment  of  this  plan  was  pre- 
vented by  Law's  death.1  Perhaps  Law's  broadest  influence 
was  felt  by  that  great  religious  society,  "  the  English 
Pietists  of  the  eighteenth  century,"  the  Methodists.  Al- 
though their  founder  John  Wesley  quarreled  with  Law  and 
wrote  disdainfully  of  Boehme  on  account  of  Law's  interest 
in  his  writings,  the  followers  of  Wesley  read  considerably 
more  of  Law  than  his  famous  Christian  Perfection  and 
Serious  Call,  written  before  Law  knew  Boehme.  In 
fact,  Boehme's  devotional  treatises  as  well  as  Law's  later 
works  were  to  be  found  among  the  books  of  the  early  Meth- 
odists. 

In  any  discussion  of  the  formative  influences  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  the  importance  of  Cromwell's  army  in  mold- 
ing opinion  as  well  as  in  building  up  a  new  state-form  must 
be  borne  in  mind.  "  The  Sectarian  Soldiers  much  infected 
the  Countrys,  by  their  Pamphlets  and  Converse,  and  the 
people  admiring  the  conquering  Army,  were  ready  to  receive 
whatsoever  they  commended  to  them ;  and  it  was  the  way  of 
the  Faction  to  speak  what  they  spake  as  the  Sense  of  the 
Army,  and  to  make  the  People  believe  that  whatsoever 
Opinion  they  vented,  it  was  the  Army's  Opinion."  2  In  this 
army,  "  tied  together  by  the  point  of  liberty  of  conscience," 
Jakob  Boehme's  Morgenrbthe  im  Aufgange  (the  early  title 
for  the  Aurora)  was  zealously  read.3  For  a  long  time 
Dell,  Saltmarsh,  William  Sedgwick,  and  Hugh  Peters — 
mystics  every  one  and  devout  preachers  of  the  "  inner 
light " — were  the  chief  ministers  of  the  army,  and  indefat- 

1  For  discussion  of  Law's  relation  to  Boehme,  see  chapter  on 
"  William  Law  and  the  Mystics  "  in  Cambridge  History  of  English 
Literature,  IX. 

*  Reliquiae  Baxterianae,  I,  pp.  56-80. 

*  Weingarten,  p.  100. 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  in 

igable  workers.  Morgan  Lloyd  (died  1659),  a  Welshman, 
son  of  a  Puritan  mother,  was  chaplain  of  the  Parliamentary 
troops  during  the  civil  war.  In  1646  he  was  put  in  charge 
of  the  parish  of  Wrexham,  where  he  began  writing  the  nu- 
merous Welsh  tracts  which  proclaim  him  a  follower  of 
Boehme.  In  1653  was  published  his  Book  of  Three  Birds,  a 
work  thoroughly  Boehmenistic  in  tone ;  he  discourses  on  the 
Heaven  and  Hell  within  man,  the  regeneration  and  new 
birth  of  the  soul,  the  God  in  man  as  Will,  Word  or  Love, 
and  Power.  The  book  is  a  controversy  of  two  birds,  the 
Dove  (real  Christians)  and  the  Raven  (pretended 
Christians)  before  the  Eagle  (Oliver  Cromwell).  Lloyd 
had  been  much  attracted  to  the  Quakers,  but,  although  an 
outspoken  Independent,  he  never  joined  them  and  was  con- 
sequently roundly  scored  by  George  Fox.1 

Closely  connected  with  the  influence  of  the  army,  that 
"  hot-bed  of  Independency,"  was  the  political  influence  of 
Boehme's  followers,  and  this  in  turn  was  hardly  to  be  dis- 
tinguished from  the  religious  interest.  Detached  and  sep- 
arate from  the  prevailing  parties  of  the  time  the  keen  politi- 
cal genius  of  Sir  Henry  Vane  the  younger  stands  out 
prominently.  Baxter  calls  the  political  following  of  Vane  a 
religious  sect.  Vane's  practical  principles  are  now  of  recog- 
nized value,  though  before  him  no  statesman  had  dreamed 
of  a  doctrine  so  thoroughly  democratic.  "  With  him  ap- 
pears the  doctrine  of  natural  right  and  government  by  con- 
sent, which,  however  open  to  criticism  in  the  crude  form  of 
popular  statement,  has  yet  been  the  moving  principle  of  the 
modern  reconstruction  of  Europe."  This  doctrine  was  the 

1  See  A.  N.  Palmer :  A  History  of  the  Older  Nonconformity  of 
Wrexham  and  its  Neighborhood,  Wrexham,  1888.  Also,  A  Wind- 
ing Sheet  for  Mr.  Baxter's  Dead  .  .  .  being  an  Apology  for  several 
Ministers,  London,  1685. 


ii2  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

result  of  his  recognition  of  the  "  rule  of  Christ  in  the  nat- 
ural conscience,"  in  the  elemental  reason,  by  virtue  of  which 
man  is  properly  a  law  to  himself.  From  the  same  idea 
followed  the  principle  of  religious  toleration,  and  the  prin- 
ciple of  excluding  the  magistrates'  power  from  maintaining 
and  restraining  any  kind  of  opinion.  To  Vane,  "  the  eldest 
son  of  religion,"  Milton  was  content  to  leave  the  direction 
of  "  both  spiritual  power  and  civil."  l  Did  Milton  know  the 
source  of  Vane's  inspiration,  political  as  well  as  religious? 
If  we  read  the  latter's  Retired  Man's  Meditations 2  we  can- 
not fail  to  find  the  source;  the  whole  work  breathes 
Boehme's  teachings. 

A  factor  in  the  political  situation  of  the  early  years  of  the 
Commonwealth — a  factor  for  a  very  brief  space  only — was 
Gerrard  Winstanley  (1609-^.  1660).  His  story  is  soon  told 
— a  dutiful  son  of  the  Established  Church  who  saw,  in  the 
logical  consequences  of  the  doctrine  of  the  "  inner  light 
that  lighteth  every  man  that  cometh  into  the  world,"  the 
marvelous  vision  of  political  independence  for  all  men;  a 
humble  working-man  who  lived  a  few  years  of  tremendous 
activity  and  influence  in  the  rarefied  atmosphere  of  enthu- 
siastic religion  and  whose  work  then  seemingly  came  to 
naught  when  Cromwell  assumed  the  protectorate.  Winstan- 
ley was  a  Seeker,  one  of  the  "  Children  of  Light,"  by  some 
considered  the  spiritual  father  of  Quakerism.3  In  matters 
of  religion  he  was  closely  related  to  Fox,  but  there  is  no 
proof  that  Winstanley  and  Fox  were  personally  acquainted. 
Fox  may  have  read  Winstanley 's  many  theological  pam- 

1  Milton's  sonnet  to  Sir  Henry  Vane  the  Younger,  1652. 

1  Henry  Vane,  Knight :  A  Retired  Man's  Meditations  or  the  Mys- 
teries and  Power  of  Godliness,  London,  1655.  See  especially  chap, 
v,  "  Creation  of  Man."  See  also  Hauck,  3rd  ed.,  Nachtrage,  article 
on  Seekers,  and  T.  H.  Green,  Works,  London,  1888,  III,  pp.  294  ff. 

*  Hauck,  3rd  ed.,  Nachtrage :  "  Seekers." 


BOEHME  IN  ENGLAND  113 

phlets  that  came  out  in  1648-1649,  the  year  to  which  the 
origin  of  Quaker  doctrines  is  usually  ascribed.  Winstan- 
ley's  main  interest,  however,  was  not  religious,  but  social  and 
communistic.  The  Diggers,  under  his  leadership,  tried  to 
force  social  reform,  beginning  with  an  attempt  to  reclaim  un- 
used land  for  the  community.  Winstanley's  writings  show 
clearly  the  strong  influence  of  Boehme.  Berens  *  speaks  of 
the  influence  of  the  Familists,  but  that  is  not  all.  Winstan- 
ley  treats  of  creation,  of  the  problem  of  evil,  of  the  rightful 
independence  of  man  on  account  of  his  birthright  of  reason 
or  inner  light  from  God,  of  all  life  as  a  struggle  between 
self-love  and  reason.  His  political  writings  culminate  in  a 
marvelous  document,  practically  as  unknown  as  the  wonder- 
ful Nova  Solyma  by  Samuel  Gott,2  that  closes  the  list 
of  seventeenth-century  Utopian  literature,  The  Law  of 
Freedom  in  a  Platform  or  true  Magistracie  Restored,  Lon- 
don, 1652.  "  More's  Utopia  secured  for  its  author  world- 
wide renown.  Winstanley's  is  unknown  even  to  his  own 
countrymen.  Yet  let  any  impartial  student  compare  the 
ideal  society  conceived  by  Sir  Thomas  More — a  society 
based  upon  slavery,  and  extended  by  wars  carried  on  by 
hireling,  mercenary  soldiers — with  the  simple,  peaceful, 
rational,  and  practical  ideal  pictured  by  Gerrard  Winstanley 
and  it  is  to  the  latter  that  he  will  be  forced  to  assign 
the  laurel  crown."  8  The  main  work  of  reformation — 
and  we  are  surely  reading  a  follower  of  Boehme  here — is 

1  L.  H.  Berens :  The  Digger  Movement,  London,  1906. 

*  Nova  Solyma,  the  ideal  city;  or,  Jerusalem  regained;  an  anony- 
mous romance  written  in  the  time  of  Charles  I,  now  first  drawn 
from  obscurity  and  attributed  to  the  illustrious  John  Milton  .  .  . 
by  the  Rev.  Walter  Bcgley,  London,  1902.  Written  by  Samuel  Gott; 
see  The  Library  (London),  July,  1910. 

1  Berens,  p.  163. 


U4  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

to  reform  the  clergy,  the  lawyers,  and  the  law;  for  all  the 
complaints  of  the  land  are  wrapped  up  within  these  three, 
not  in  the  person  of  a  king. 

In  presenting  this  evidence  of  the  widespread  knowledge 
and  deep  influence  of  Boehme's  writings,  we  have  been 
obliged  to  emphasize  the  facts  of  such  a  knowledge  rather 
than  the  ideas  themselves;  these  ideas,  thus  brought  from 
their  German  home,  where  they  had  found  little  possibility 
of  becoming  an  incentive  to  a  broader  spiritual  life,  found 
welcoming  hearts  in  their  new  English  home.  Boehme's  im- 
portance is  due  not  only  to  the  tremendously  valuable  ideas 
added  by  him  to  the  abounding  stream  of  Neoplatonic  mys- 
ticism in  England,  but  also  to  the  depth  that  he  gave  to 
this  stream,  to  his  ability  to  "  be  ready  always  to  give  an 
answer  to  every  man  that  asketh  you  a  reason  of  the  hope 
that  is  in  you  with  meekness  and  fear."  Others  had  taught 
the  "  inner  light  that  lighteth  every  man,"  but  of  the  nature 
of  man  and  of  that  inner  light  they  did  not  teach,  nor  could 
they  tell  of  creation,  of  the  origin  and  reason  of  the  evil 
under  which  their  hearts  suffered  and  bled,  of  the  place  of 
evil  in  the  world-system,  of  why  "  God  is  all  in  all,  and 
Heaven  and  Hell  are  within."  x  The  manner  in  which  some 
of  these  thoughts  have  become  a  great  poet's  gift  to  the 
world  will  be  shown  in  Boehme's  relation  to  Milton. 

1  The  Light  and  Dark  Sides  of  God,  or  a  plain  and  brief  Dis- 
course of  The  light  side,  God,  Heaven,  and  Earth,  The  dark  side, 
Devil,  Sin,  and  Hell  .  .  .By  Jacob  Bauthumley,  London,  1650.  See 
"  Epistle  to  the  Reader."  The  author  is  evidently  a  follower  of 
Boehme,  although  he  makes  no  mention  of  his  master's  name. 


IV 
MILTON  AND  BOEHME 

As  a  young  man  Milton's  father  became  a  Protestant 
and  was  consequently  disowned  by  his  zealous  Catholic 
parents.  The  poet  Milton  grew  up  in  a  Puritan  home 
where  religion  was  not  a  matter  of  inheritance  but  of  con- 
viction, and  where  a  feeling  for  the  true  inwardness  of  re- 
ligious life  became  a  part  of  his  very  nature.  A  conscious- 
ness of  the  essential  characteristics  of  the  reformation  as 
a  continual  progress  toward  the  knowledge  of  things  divine 
was  Milton's  birthright  and  equipment  for  life  and  service. 
Toland  says  that  the  poet  belonged  in  youth  to  the  Presby- 
terians, in  later  life  to  the  Independents  and  Baptists,  and 
that  finally  he  freed  himself  from  all  church  affiliations. 
Certain  it  is  that  while  on  many  questions  he  came  early  to 
a  definite  stand,  in  others  he  advanced  far  beyond  the  view- 
point of  his  youth  and  early  manhood.  For  this  reason  his 
personality  and  writings  alike  hold  up  a  mirror  to  the  spirit- 
ual and  intellectual  progress  of  his  time. 

Milton's  education,  his  early  ideals,  and  the  general  course 
of  his  life  were  dominated  by  Puritanism ; l  not,  however, 
the  stern,  exaggerated  Puritanism  of  a  later  polemic  epoch, 
but  an  earnest,  yet  warm  devotion  to  religion  that  in- 
cluded the  beautiful  with  the  good,  that  found  no  irre- 
concilable contrast  between  love  of  music  and  poetry  and 
love  of  God.  Early  in  his  university  career  he  realized 
that  he  was  to  find  there  no  real  education  for  the  ministry, 

1  Pauli :  Aufs'dtze  cur  Englischcn  Gcschichtc,  p.  349. 
"5 


n6  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

to  which  he  had  at  first  hoped  to  give  himself,  but  rather 
a  "  school  of  divinity  that  obscured  all  true  religion."  When 
in  1642  an  opponent  reproached  him  for  having  wasted  his 
time  worse  than  frivolously  at  the  university,  he  denounced 
in  no  doubtful  terms  the  whole  educational  system.1  Nev- 
ertheless, thanks  to  the  care  of  his  father  for  his  earlier 
training,  he  laid  at  the  university  the  foundation  for  his 
scholastic  greatness.  Moreover,  "  coming  to  some  ma- 
turity of  years,  and  perceiving  what  tyranny  had  invaded 
the  church,  that  he  who  would  take  orders  must  sub- 
scribe slave  and  take  an  oath  withal,  which  ...  he  must 
either  straight  perjure,  or  split  his  faith,"  he  "  thought 
it  better  -to  prefer  a  blameless  silence  before  the  sacred  of- 
fice of  speaking,  bought  and  begun  with  servitude  and  for- 
swearing." z 

A  silence  of  the  pen,  however,  even  under  adverse  con- 
ditions, was  never  a  part  of  Milton's  plan.  His  poetical 
aspirations  were  determining  his  actions  even  before  the 
Italian  journey  upon  which  he  received  so  much  encourage- 
ment from  new  friends,  so  that,  as  he  tells  us,  "  I  began  thus 
far  to  assent  both  to  them  and  divers  of  my  friends  here 
at  home,  and  not  less  to  an  inward  prompting  which 
now  grew  daily  upon  me,  that  by  labour  and  intense  study 
(which  I  take  to  be  my  portion  in  this  life),  joined  with 
the  strong  propensity  of  nature,  I  might  perhaps  leave  some- 
thing so  written  to  aftertimes,  as  they  should  not  willingly 
let  it  die."  3  At  Horton  he  had  been  consciously  preparing 
in  his  study  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  authors  for  greater 
poetic  flights.  As  late  as  1642  he  had  not  yet  completed 

1  Prose  Works,  III,  p.  112:  Apology. 

1  Same,  II,  p.  482 :  Church  Government. 

8  Same,  III,  p.  509 :  Letter  no.  XVII. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  117 

"  the  full  circle  of  his  private  studies."  1  His  early  poetry 
hints  at  the  lofty  ideal  of  a  union  of  classical  and  Christian 
elements — an  ideal  which  was  to  characterize  the  works  of 
his  later  great  creative  period — but  the  classical  element  then 
held  by  far  the  larger  place  in  Milton's  mind ; 2  he  longed  to 
know  the  land  in  which  memory  of  the  greatness  and  beauty 
of  the  ancients  was  still  a  living  power. 

In  the  spring  of  1638  Milton  started  on  his  journey  to 
Italy.  It  is  interesting  to  note  how  quickly  he  came  into 
contact  with  the  academy  spirit,  not  only  in  the  societies, 
the  Academia  delta  Crusca  and  others  of  Florence  and 
Rome,3  but  also  in  academy  members.  He  met  Hugo  Gro- 
tius  *  in  Paris.  In  Rome  he  met  Lucas  Holstein,  who 
showed  him  particular  courtesy  and  friendliness,  to  whom 
one  of  Milton's  "  familiar  letters  "  is  addressed.6  Milton 
also  visited  Galileo,6  the  blind  "  prisoner  of  the  inquisition," 
and,  finally,  he  visited  the  father  of  Ezekiel  Spanheim  of 
Geneva,  with  whom  he  later  corresponded.7 

From  all  accounts  that  we  have  the  journey  was  entirely 
one  of  artistic  and  literary  stimulation.  Milton  was  still 
full  of  the  thought  of  his  mission  as  a  poet,  who,  writing  in 
his  mother-tongue,  should  sometime  bring  honor  to  his 
native  land.  Nevertheless  his  first  public  acts  upon  his 
return  to  London  were  contrary  to  this  ideal ;  he  began  a 
long  period  of  polemic  writing.  Doubtless  his  Puritan  con- 
science was  roused  to  combat  the  perverters  of  true  religion, 
the  "  hireling  shepherds."  But  is  that  a  sufficient  explana- 

1  Prose  Works,  II,  p.  476. 

*  Stern,  I,  p.  259. 

1  Masson,  I,  p.  610. 

4  A/.  C.  G..  XVI,  pp.  122,  234. 

'Prose  Works,  III,  p.  498:  Letter  no.  IX. 

4  Masson,  I,  p.  629. 

7  Prose  Works,  III,  p.  509:  Letter  no.  XVII. 


n8  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

tion  of  the  striking  change  that  is  now  evident?  That  the 
change  is  not  superficial  we  must  infer  from  the  long  years 
— the  best  part  of  Milton's  lifetime — of  public-spirited  de- 
votion to  the  cause  of  liberty.  Milton  employed  a  most 
effective  medium  of  controversial  prose — a  medium,  how- 
ever, far  from  congenial  to  the  thoroughly  classical  inter- 
ests and  inclinations  of  a  poet  whose  instincts  and  training 
led  him  rather  to  the  retired  leisure  of  a  life  devoted  to 
"  divinest  Melancholy."  In  the  academies  he  came  into  con- 
tact with  men  of  highest  culture  and  education,  whose  in- 
terests were  not,  as  we  have  seen,  wholly  confined  to  liter- 
ature and  art;  the  patriotic  spirit  of  Dante  whose  Divine 
Comedy  had  rescued  his  mother-tongue  from  oblivion  was 
still  alive.  The  Academia  della  Crusca  had  already  be- 
come the  model  for  those  centers  of  interest  in  national  re- 
form and  progress,  the  German  "  fruchtbringende  Gesell- 
schaften."  Some  of  Milton's  deepest  impressions  must 
likewise  have  come  from  the  publicist-poet  Hugo  Grotius, 
the  first  man  to  teach  that  the  state  is  a  civil  contract  be- 
tween people  and  ruler,  as  opposed  to  the  generally  preva- 
lent idea  of  divine  rights  of  king.1  He  must  have  been  im- 
pressed also  by  the  depths  of  national  spirit  in  the  Calvinis- 
tic  republic  at  Geneva.  In  Rome  a  conscious  spirit  of  op- 
position seems  to  have  been  aroused  in  him ;  he  spoke  openly 
and  decidedly  about  his  religion.  Upon  his  return  from 
Italy  (1639)  Milton  entered  public  life. 

His  writings  during  the  period  from  his  return  until 
1644  are  strictly  Presbyterian  in  spirit.2  He  is  opposed  to 

1  De  jure  belli  ac  pads,  Paris,  1625.    See  Weingarten,  p.  289. 

* "  Of  Reformation  in  England  and  the  causes  that  hitherto  have 
hindered  it;  and  Of  prelatical  episcopacy,"  1641.  "The  Reason  of 
Church  Government  urged  against  Prelaty,"  1642.  "  Animadversions 
upon  the  Remonstrants  Defense  against  Smectymnuus,  and  Apology 
for  Smectymnuus,"  1642.  "  Doctrine  and  Discipline  of  Divorce," 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  119 

prelaty,  to  church  forms  lingering  on  from  the  days  of 
the  Roman  church,  to  the  prevailing  influences  in  the 
universities,  to  the  deadening  scholasticism  of  his  age. 
At  the  same  time  he  expresses  clearly  the  belief  in  a 
state  church  without  bishops,  and  in  predestination.  Man 
is  born  impure,  subject  to  the  prince  of  this  world,  the  devil; 
punishment  and  hell  await  the  unelect;  the  elect  are  to  be 
saved  through  the  merits  of  Christ  and  his  reconciliation. 

The  idea  of  freedom,  however,  has  been  steadily  develop- 
ing through  this  period,  in  the  great  advance  made  from  a 
hierarchical,  bishops'  church  to  the  somewhat  more  demo- 
cratic Presbyterian  form.  In  the  tracts  on  divorce,  Milton 
works  out  his  ideas  of  freedom  along  domestic  lines.  The 
personal  equation  enters  deeply  here,  to  be  sure,  in  his  bit- 
ter reiteration  of  the  strictly  orthodox  "  chief  end  of 
woman  "  and  her  rights — to  absolute  subserviency.  But 
the  sacrament  of  marriage  becomes  under  his  exposition 
the  civil  contract  that  it  had  been  among  the  old  German 
races  before  the  Roman  church,  during  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries,  absorbed  it  as  an  additional  hold  upon 
the  mind  of  freeborn  man.1 

The  writings  of  the  year  1644,  before  the  completion  of 
the  series  on  divorce,  mark  further  progress  in  Milton's 
views,  a  greater  advance  toward  liberty.  These  are  the 
Areopagitica  and  the  Tractate  on  Education,  dealing  re- 
spectively with  freedom  of  speech  and  education  to  free- 
dom. 

The  Tractate  on  Education  was  dedicated  to  Samuel 
Hartlib,  at  whose  "  earnest  entreaties  and  serious  conjure- 
ments  "  it  was  written,  at  a  time  when  Milton's  mind  was 

1643.     "Judgment   of    Martin    Bucer   concerning    Divorce,"    1644. 
"  Tetrachordon."  and  "  Colasterion,"  1645. 
1  Weinhold :  Die  Deutschcn  Frauen,  I,  pp.  357-58. 


I2O  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

"half  diverted  in  the  pursuance  of  some  other  assertions, 
the  knowledge  and  the  use  of  which  cannot  but  be  a  great 
truth,  and  honest  living  with  much  more  peace " 1 — the 
works  on  divorce.  This  is  the  first  mention  of  the  friend- 
ship between  these  men  which  may  well  have  begun,  how- 
ever— as  Milton's  reference  to  "  incidental  discourses  into 
which  we  have  wandered  "  seems  to  suggest — some  time 
before  this  writing  appeared.  Hartlib  came  to  England  in 
1629.  From  a  letter  of  his,  June,  1638,  to  Joseph  Meade  of 
Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  Milton's  former  tutor,  we  see 
that  he  was  living  in  a  house  in  Duke's  Place  in  London, 
not  far  from  the  house  Milton  took  on  his  return  from 
the  continent.  There  Hartlib  remained,  it  appears,  until 
1650,  when  he  removed  to  Charing  Cross  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Whitehall.2  Milton  had  moved  in  1647  to  High 
Holborn ;  in  1650,  as  secretary  of  the  Commonwealth,  he 
removed  to  Charing  Cross  for  a  time,  then  to  Whitehall, 
and  then  to  Petty-France.  Although  there  is  but  scanty 
record  of  the  friendship  between  Milton  and  Hartlib,  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  terminated  before  Hartlib's 
death.  In  1654  a  Leyden  correspondent,  probably  Dury, 
writes  to  Hartlib  suggesting  that  Milton  will  find  material 
for  his  controversy  with  More  if  he  will  write  to  Geneva.3 
Hartlib  often  mentions  Milton  in  his  letters  to  Boyle.4  In 
1660  an  Amsterdam  correspondent,  possibly  Adam  Boreel, 
asks  Hartlib  what  the  Restoration  is  doing  to  Milton.5  It 

1  Prose  Works,  III,  p.  462:  On  Education. 

*  Althaus,  p.  205. 

1  British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  649,  f.  30:  "  Mori  contra  Miltonum 
Apologiam  vidisse  vos  credo.  Si  Miltonus  de  Mori  testimoniis 
certiora  nosse  cupit,  scribat  Genevam,  et  ad  viduam  Salmasianam, 
qua  ipsi  abunde  suppeditabit  materiam." 

4  Boyle's  Works,  V. 

'  British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  649,  f .  41 :  "  De  Miltono,  et  cap- 
tivis,  quid  actom  fuerit,  aut  egetur,  proximis  tuis  mihi  rescribes." 


121 

would  have  been  remarkable  indeed  if  a  zealous  man  like 
Hartlib,  "  the  stimulus  to  all  good  in  England,"  as  one  of 
his  correspondents  called  him,1  had  been  unable  to  attract 
Milton  and  interest  him  for  his  plans.  In  addition  to  that, 
Hartlib's  religious  and  political  ideas  could  not  fail  to  be 
congenial  to  those  of  the  poet. 

The  group  of  friends  most  closely  associated  with  Hart- 
lib  during  the  years  1640-1660  included  Haak,  Pell,  Dury, 
Boyle,  Oldenburg,  and  Comenius,  during  the  latter's  visit 
to  London — all  men  filled,  as  we  have  seen,  with  the  re- 
form ideas  of  the  free  societies  and  of  Valentin  An- 
dreae.  Milton's  ambition  to  glorify  his  mother-tongue, 
his  tendency  to  unite  in  his  poetry  the  beauty  of  antiquity 
with  the  moral  greatness  of  Christianity,  his  broad  interest 
in  nations  other  than  his  own,  his  opposition  to  scholasti- 
cism, his  activity  in  the  interest  of  reform  in  church  and 
school — all  these  interests  made  him  a  congenial  member  of 
this  circle  of  friends  to  which  Hartlib  introduced  him. 
Milton  mentions  "our  friend  Dury"  in  one  of  his  letters;2 
Haak  and  Pell  were  his  friends ; 3  four  letters  of  his  cor- 
respondence with  Oldenburg  are  preserved ;  Boyle  was  a 
brother  of  Milton's  friend,  Lady  Ranelagh,  whose  son  was 
a  pupil  first  of  Milton,  then  of  Oldenburg.  We  might  read- 
ily expect  also  that  a  man  like  Milton  would  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  celebrated  foreigner  Comenius;  that 
seems,  however,  not  to  have  been  the  case,  if  we  may  judge 
from  Milton's  hardly  friendly  allusion  to  two  of  Comenius's 
best-known  works :  "  to  search  what  many  modern  Januas 
and  Didactics,4  more  than  ever  I  shall  read,  have  pro- 

1  Stern,  II,  p.  282. 

J  Prose  Works,  III,  p.  518,  to  John  Badians. 
1  Stern,  II,  p.  280. 

4  Among  Comenius's  works  arc  Janua  linguarum  rcservata,  Janua 
rcrum,  Didaktika  magna. 


122  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

jected."  1  Nevertheless  he  thoroughly  agreed  with  Come- 
nius  that  language  is  merely  the  instrument  of  knowledge. 
Haak,  whom  Milton  may  likewise  have  known  earlier 
(Haak  studied  theology  in  Cambridge  and  Oxford  about 
1625),  returned  permanently  to  England  in  1629  after  a 
brief  stay  on  the  continent.  For  a  short  time  Haak  was 
deacon  under  Joseph  Hall,  Bishop  of  Exeter.  He  seems, 
then,  to  have  lived  without  office  in  London,  in  close  asso- 
ciation with  Pell,  Selden,  Hartlib,  and  the  Swabian  poet 
Weckherlin;  he  was  an  attentive  friend  of  German  visitors 
to  England,  Comenius  and  Hermann  Mylius  among  others. 
Haak  translated  many  theological  works  from  Dutch  into 
English,  also  from  English  into  German,  and  was  the  first 
to  translate  Paradise  Lost  into  German.  To  Johann 
Seobald  Fabricius,  brother  of  the  influential  Heidelberg 
court  preacher,  he  sent  a  copy  of  his  translation  of  the  first 
three  books  and  part  of  the  fourth.  The  work  was  never 
printed  but  was  used  by  Ernst  Gottlieb  von  Berge  in  his 
translation  of  Paradise  Lost,  Zerbst,  i682.2 

In  1645  Haak  suggested  the  organization  of  the  "  philo- 
sophical "  or  "  invisible  college,"  the  membership  of  which 
is  represented  by  such  men  as  Pell,  Dury,  Boyle,  and  Olden- 
burg. These  men  are  generally  known  as  the  investigators 
in  mathematics  and  science  who  later  became  members  of 
the  Royal  Society.  Not  all  members  of  the  "  invisible  col- 
lege," however,  took  an  active  part  in  investigation,  nor  was 
that  the  only  interest  of  the  society.  Plans  of  reform  seem 
to  have  been  represented  by  various  individuals,  perhaps 
merely  closely  associated  with  the  "  college  "  and  not  really 
members  of  it,  such  as  Dury's  great  work  to  bring  about 

1  Prose  Works,  III,  p.  464:  On  Education. 

*  Zeitschrift  fur  Vergleichend?  Litteraturgeschichte  und  Renais- 
sance-Litteratur,  Neue  Folge,  I,  pp.  428,  431-32. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  123 

the  union  of  all  Protestant  churches  into  one  great  united 
world  church,  Hartlib's  efforts  toward  the  increase  of  wealth 
and  general  prosperity  through  the  use  of  improved  agri- 
cultural methods,  and  Milton's  far-reaching  activity  in  the 
struggle  for  separation  of  church  and  state. 

The  Areopagitica,  a  plea  for  the  privilege  of  printing 
without  a  license,  which  appeared  late  in  1644,  is  the  formal 
expression  of  Milton's  changed  attitude;  thus  he  attached 
himself  to  the  rapidly  growing  Independent  party.  New 
oppressors  had  arisen  in  the  persons  of  the  former  apostles 
of  freedom.  The  Presbyterians,  since  the  autumn  of  1643 
the  ruling  power  in  the  state  church,  had  only  too  quickly 
learned  to  feel  at  home  in  the  role  of  prelates.  Formerly 
they  had  insisted  upon  freedom  of  the  press — a  view 
opposed  by  the  Episcopal  censors ;  later  they  used  this  freed 
press  against  the  bishops.  Now,  however,  when  this  same 
freedom  might  be  used  in  opposition  to  their  plans  of  church 
reform  (a  mere  change  in  form  and  title),  the  Presbyterians 
had  to  disregard  their  early  views  about  the  freedom  of 
the  press.  For  the  growth  of  religious  truth,  Milton  de- 
manded free  discussion  within  the  church,  an  unhindered 
development  of  differences  among  the  believers  themselves, 
in  a  word,  religious  toleration.  For  him  Protestantism 
must  cease  when  implicit  faith  is  demanded.1  The  apostle 
of  freedom  explains  the  origin  of  censorship — invented  by 
the  popes  as  a  weapon  against  the  Reformation,  then  adopted 
by  the  English  prelates,  and  finally  inherited  by  the  Presby- 
terians. An  invention  might  be  good,  whoever  the  in- 
ventor, but  censorship  turned  out  to  be  as  subversive  of 
liberty  as  the  worst  enemy  of  liberty  could  desire,  since  it 
protected  neither  author  nor  reading  public,  to  both  of  whom 
its  mere  existence  was  a  degrading  insult.  The  problems 
1  Liebert :  Milton,  p.  164. 


124  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

of  evil  and  of  free-will  come  up  in  the  Areopagitica.  In  dis- 
cussing them  Milton  appears  to  be  not  entirely  decided  per- 
haps, but  certainly  already  at  variance  with  the  orthodox 
Presbyterian  dogma  on  these  questions  which  were  later 
to  constitute  the  basis  of  his  great  poetical  works.  "  It 
was  from  out  of  the  rind  of  an  apple  tasted,  that  the 
knowledge  of  good  and  evil,  as  two  twins  cleaving  together, 
leaped  forth  into  the  world.  And  perhaps  this  is  the  doom 
which  Adam  fell  into  of  knowing  good  and  evil  ;  that  is  to 
say,  of  knowing  good  by  evil."  *  "  Many  there  be  that 
complain  of  divine  Providence  for  suffering  Adam  to  trans- 
gress. Foolish  tongues!  When  God  gave  him  reason,  he 
gave  him  freedom  to  choose,  for  reason  is  but  choosing  ;  he 
had  been  else  a  mere  artificial  Adam,  such  an  Adam  as  he 
is  in  the  motions.  We  ourselves  esteem  not  of  that  obedi- 
ence or  love,  or  gift,  which  is  of  force."  2 

This  liberty  of  printing  was  to  apply  not  only  to  Latin, 
the  tongue  of  the  learned,  but  to  the  language  of  the  people 
as  well,  so  that  if  "  any  one  would  write  and  bring  his  help- 
ful hand  to  the  slow-moving  reformation  which  we  labor 
under,  if  truth  have  spoken  to  him  before  others,  or  but 
seemed  at  least  to  speak,"  3  his  message  might  be  heard. 
Hartlib,  in  his  Macaria,  three  years  before,  had  named  in 
the  "  natural  causes  of  reformation  a  spread  of  knowledge 
through  the  press,  that  the  common  people,  knowing  their 
own  rights  and  liberties,  will  not  be  governed  by  way  of 
oppression."  *  Thus  we  see  a  striking  similarity  of  thought 
on  the  part  of  Milton,  Hartlib's  personal  friend. 

The  four  years  1645  to  J^49  represent  in  Milton's  public 


1  Prose  Works,  II,  p.  67:  Areopagitica. 

1  Same,  p.  74. 

"Same,  p.  98. 

4Harleian  Miscellany,  IV,  p.  386:  Macaria. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  125 

life  a  pause  during  which,  aside  from  the  sonnets  against 
the  Presbyterians  and  to  Fairfax,  he  published  nothing.  In 
this  period,  the  struggle  between  king  and  people  reached 
its  climax.  The  four  years  form  for  Milton  not  a  pause  for 
rest,  but  a  pause  for  work,  for  preparation  for  new  and 
extraordinary  activity.  Before  this  he  had  said  farewell 
to  poetry  to  devote  himself  to  theology ;  now  he  turned  from 
theology  to  politics.  From  his  later  writings  we  learn  that 
he  spent  this  time  largely  in  the  study  of  the  history,  consti- 
tution, and  laws  of  his  native  land.  In  the  Tenure  of  Kings 
and  Magistrates,  February,  1649,  written  at  his  own  initi- 
ative to  allay  the  wild  strife  of  feelings  and  opinions  called 
forth  by  the  imprisonment  of  King  Charles,1  he  strikes  at 
once  the  keynote  of  his  independency.  The  attitude  of 
toleration  to  a  state  church  is  entirely  changed.  The  state 
is  the  highest  point,  the  fulfillment,  of  the  demands  of 
moral  life,  and  it  must  be  as  free  from  the  domination  of 
church  and  priest  as  the  religious  life  is  from  interference 
on  the  part  of  the  state.  He  demands  entire  freedom  as 
opposed  to  the  half  freedom  of  the  Presbyterians.  The 
source  of  power  is  with  the  people ;  this  power  is  by  them, 
for  the  general  welfare,  entrusted  to  the  sovereign ;  there  ex- 
ists no  divine  right  of  kings  to  be  tyrants ;  if  kings  misuse 
power,  the  people  who  gave  it  are  at  liberty  and  have  the 
duty  to  take  it  back.  He  shows  that  the  new  republic  rests 
on  a  firm  historical  foundation ;  it  is  not  only  genuinely 
English,  but  genuinely  Protestant  as  well. 

Milton's  interests  and  plans  during  these  seemingly  quiet 
years  bear  a  notable  resemblance  in  national,  educational, 
and  religious  import  to  the  general  plans  of  Hartlib's  group 
of  friends :  the  perfecting  of  a  Latin  grammar,  the  construc- 
tion of  a  system  of  Christian  theology  based  entirely  on  the 

1  Written  before  but  published  after  the  execution  of  Charles  I. 


126  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Bible,  and  the  completion  of  the  history  of  the  English  peo- 
ple, of  which  he  had  already  written  four  books  in  which 
there  breaks  forth  the  strong  patriotic  feeling  of  the  old 
Saxons,  in  the  contention  that  the  Norman  conquest  was 
never  a  real  subjugation  of  the  spirit  of  the  people.  All 
these  plans  were  changed  by  Milton's  sudden  and  unex- 
pected call  to  public  life  (in  March,  1649),  as  secretary  of 
foreign  languages  to  the  Commonwealth.  His  predecessor 
in  this  office  under  Charles  I  had  been  Georg  Rudolf  Weck- 
herlin,  a  talented  German  living  in  England  since  1624, 
member  of  the  "  Akademie  zur  Tanne,"  1  a  friend  of  Hart- 
lib,  Haak,  Pell,  and  Dury.2  Later  Weckherlin  was  reap- 
pointed  as  Milton's  assistant.  Haak  seems  also  at  times 
to  have  been  of  service  to  the  foreign  secretary  in  translating 
documents  into  Dutch.3 

One  of  the  most  influential  men  with  whom  Milton  was 
now  associated  was  Sir  Henry  Vane.  An  idealist  like 
Milton,  he  was  filled  with  the  hope  that  a  happy  era 
had  now  dawned  for  England.  Their  agreement  regarding 
the  offices  of  church  and  state  Milton  celebrates  in  his 
sonnet  to  Vane: 

"To  know 

Both  spiritual  power  and  civil,  what  each  means, 

What  severs  each,  thou  hast  learned,  which  few  have  done; 

The  bounds  of  either  sword  to  thee  we  owe; 

Therefore,  on  thy  firm  hand  religion  leans 

In  peace,  and  reckons  thee  her  eldest  son." 

Vane's  devotion  to  public  service  and  his  freedom  from 
corruption  were  as  well  known  as  his  great  ability.  But 

1M.  C.  G.,  IV,  p.  76. 

*  Stern,  I,  26. 

*  Stern,  p.   27.     Interested   in   Dury's  plans   at   least  since   1634. 
See  "  Bibliothek  des  Literarischen  Vereins  in  Stuttgart,"  CCXLV, 
p.  76. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  127 

some  of  his  contemporaries  found  it  difficult  to  understand 
his  religious  views,  and  his  enthusiasm  for  mysticism  ex- 
posed him  to  the  reproach  of  fanaticism  and  to  a  notoriety 
(as  in  the  case  of  Milton)  of  having  a  sect  named  after  him. 
Vane  was  tolerant  of  all  sects,  and  was  particularly  attracted 
to  the  Quakers. 

Another  friend  whose  devotion  to  kindred  ideals  must 
have  influenced  Milton's  views  on  the  great  problems  that 
Parliament  and  Cromwell  with  his  soldiers  had  been  trying 
to  solve  was  Roger  Williams.  In  1631  Williams  had  emi- 
grated to  America,  and  had  been  chosen  pastor  of  the 
congregation  of  Salem.  He  was  driven  from  the  colony, 
however,  because  he  demanded  unconditioned  religious  free- 
dom and  a  complete  separation  of  church  and  state,  with 
equal  rights  for  all,  even  for  Jews  and  heretics.  His  ex- 
traordinary strength  of  religious  interest  found  expression 
in  his  many  pamphlets  and  treatises.  "  To  destroy  a  single 
soul  through  false  teaching,"  he  maintained,  "  is  a  worse 
crime  than  to  disperse  a  whole  parliament  or  to  slay  an  en- 
tire nation."  1  He  founded  Providence,  1636,  and  with  a 
conscientiousness  rare  in  English  colonists  paid  the  Indians 
for  their  land.2  Other  fugitives  brought  to  this  colony  Bap- 
tist ideas,  which  Williams  adopted.  Soon,  however,  he 
found  their  teachings  insufficient,  and  left  the  congregation 
never  to  join  another  church  because  he  awaited  further 
enlightenment  regarding  the  essence  of  the  true  church  of 
God.  Through  this  step  he  became  an  exponent  of  the 
fundamental  ideas  of  Independency  and  a  significant  fore- 
runner of  Quakerism.  His  doctrine  of  the  "  sovereign 
original  and  foundation  of  Civil  Power  in  the  People  "  ap- 
peared in  his  pamphlets  scattered  broadcast  in  England  be- 

'Bnillie:    Letters,    II,    p.    397. 
*  Wcingarten,  p.  37. 


128  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

fore  the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war.  He  speaks  of  his  as- 
sociation with  Milton  during  his  second  visit  to  England  in 
1651-1652:  "The  Secretary  of  the  Council  Mr.  Milton 
for  my  Dutch  I  read  him,  read  me  many  more  languages."  * 
Roger  Williams  had  "very  probably  acquired  the  Dutch 
tongue  and  with  it  some  of  the  principles  which  charac- 
terize his  life's  work,  from  the  Dutch  colonists  who 
were  scattered  throughout  the  southern  and  eastern  counties 
of  England,  and  in  London,  the  descendants  of  those  who 
sought  a  refuge  in  England  when  Charles  V.  began  his 
persecution  of  the  Protestants  in  the  Netherlands."  2 

In  Eikonoklastes  (1649)  an^  tne  ^rst  an<^  second  Defense 
of  the  People  of  England  (1649  and  1654),  Milton  expresses 
with  prophetic  ardor  his  final  ideas  about  the  unconditioned 
sovereignty  of  the  people.  In  Considerations  touching  the 
Likliest  Means  to  remove  Hirelings  out  of  the  Church 
(1659),  he  works  out  his  idea  of  absolute  religious  freedom 
and  congregational  church  autonomy,  a  toleration  extended 
to  all  Christian  sects,  among  which  however  Catholics  are 
for  state  reasons  not  included,  since  their  religious  and 
political  tenets  are  inseparable. 

The  change  in  Milton's  sympathy  during  these  years  from 
the  Presbyterian  to  the  Congregational  viewpoint  is  clearly 
paralleled  by  the  progress  of  stirring  events  in  his  time.  A 
further  development  of  his  inner  life  along  lines  of  the  re- 
ligion of  enthusiasm  is  equally  characteristic  of  his  time, 
though  less  fully  taken  into  account  by  his  biographers. 
This  development  is  nowhere  more  clearly  apparent  than  in 
the  growth  of  his  conception  of  the  poet.  In  his  early 
poetry,  "  the  relation  of  the  Muse  or  Muses  to  the  poet,  as 

1  Narragansett  Club  Publications,  VI,  p.  258,  Letters  of  Roger 
Williams. 
"  Straus :  Roger  Williams,  p.  181. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  129 

it  appears  in  Milton,  is  much  the  same  as  that  in  Homer, 
Hesiod,  and  the  later  poets  and  imitators."  *  In  the  poems 
On  the  Morning  of  Christ's  Nativity  (1.  15)  and  The  Pas- 
sion (1. 4)  he  addresses  the  "  Heavenly  Muse."  In  Lycidas 
(1. 15)  he  invokes  the 

"  sisters  of  the  sacred  well 
That  from  beneath  the  seat  of  Jove  doth  spring" 

and  "  in  imitation  of  Vergil  or  Moschus,"  bids  the  "  Sicilian 
Muse"  return  (1.133).  In  II  Penseroso  (1-47)  he 

"  hears  the  Muses  in  a  ring 
Aye  round  about  Jove's  altar  sing." 

Imagination  has  now  the  office  which  later  he  gives  to 
inspiration : 

"  Befriend  me  night,  best  patroness  of  grief, 
Over  the  pole  thy  thickest  mantle  throw, 
And  work  my  flattered  fancy  to  belief, 
Though  Heaven  and  Earth  are  coloured  with  my  woe." 

Passion,  11.  29-32. 

"  To  our  high-raised  fantasy  present 
That  undisturbed  song." 

Solemn  Music,  11.  5-6. 

"Then  thou  our  fancy  of  itself  bereaving 
Dost  make  us  marble  with  too  much  conceiving." 

Shakespeare,  11.  13,  14. 

In  his  early  prose  writings  we  find  not  only  the  general 
Puritan  belief  in  the  inspiration  of  ministers  of  the  Gospel, 
but  also  the  belief  in  the  possible  inspiration  of  poets.  On 
an  equality  with  ministers  he  places  the  poet  whose  "  abili- 
ties are  the  inspired  gift  of  God,  rarely  bestowed,  but  yet  to 
some  (though  most  abuse)  in  every  nation;  and  are  of 

1  Osgood :  Classical  Mythology  of  Milton's  English  Poems,  p.  57. 


130  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

power,  beside  the  office  of  the  pulpit,  to  inbreed  and  cherish 
in  a  great  people,  the  seeds  of  virtue  and  public  civility; 
...  to  celebrate  in  glorious  and  lofty  hymns  the  throne 
and  equipage  of  God's  almightiness,  and  what  he  works,  and 
what  he  suffers  to  be  wrought  with  high  providence  in  his 
church  .  .  .  Nor  [is  this  gift]  to  be  obtained  by  the  invo- 
cation of  dame  memory  and  her  siren  daughters,  but  by 
devout  prayer  to  that  Eternal  Spirit,  who  can  enrich  with 
all  utterance  and  knowledge,  and  sends  out  his  seraphim, 
with  the  hallowed  fire  of  his  altar,  to  touch  and  purify  the 
lips  of  whom  he  pleases."  * 

In  his  later  poetry  we  find,  along  with  many  references 
to  the  traditional  Muses,  his  final  conception  of  the  poet 
as  a  truly  inspired  oracle  whose  Muse  is  the  Holy  Spirit  of 
God.  We  will  return  later  to  this  point. 

The  change  in  religious  sympathy  is  shown  in  the 
Eikonoklastes.  Milton  expresses  his  objection  to  set  forms 
of  prayer, — an  objection  in  which  all  the  sectarians  and  sep- 
aratists were  agreed :  "  This  is  evident,  that  they  who  use 
no  set  forms  of  prayer,  have  words  from  their  affections; 
while  others  are  to  seek  affections  fit  and  proportionable  to 
a  certain  dose  of  prepared  words ;  which  as  they  are  not 
rigorously  forbid  to  any  man's  private  infirmity,  so  to  im- 
prison and  confine  by  force,  into  a  pinfold  of  set  words, 
those  two  most  unimprisonable  things,  our  prayers,  and 
that  divine  spirit  of  utterance  that  moves  them,  is  a  tyranny 
that  would  have  longer  hands  than  those  giants  who 
threatened  bondage  to  heaven."  2  "  God  is  no  more  moved 
with  a  prayer  elaborately  penned,  than  men  more  truly 
charitable  are  moved  with  the  penned  speech  of  a  beggar." 3 

1  Prose  Works,  II,  p.  479:  Reason  of  Church  Government. 
J  Same,  I,  p.  431:  Eikonoklastes. 
8  Same,  I,  p.  462. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  131 

The  Scriptures  become  more  and  more  Milton's  final 
authority.  He  reminds  members  of  Parliament  of  their 
duty  "  to  assert  only  the  true  Protestant  Christian  religion, 
as  it  is  contained  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  "  and  he  asserts 
"  that  we  can  have  no  other  ground  in  matters  of  religion 
but  only  from  the  Scriptures."  *  In  his  later  years,  more- 
over, Milton  carried  out  his  early  plan  of  formulating  for 
himself  a  system  of  Christian  doctrine  from  the  Scriptures 
alone.  Willingly  he  advocates  dependence  on  the  "  inner 
light,"  and  submits  his  fallible  reason  to  the  sure  informa- 
tion afforded  by  celestial  light.  "The  gospel  [is]  to  be  in- 
terpreted only  by  the  sense  of  charity  and  inward  persua- 
sion." 2  "  No  protestant  therefore,  of  what  sect  soever, 
following  Scriptures  only,  which  is  the  common  sect  wherein 
they  all  agree,  and  the  granted  rules  of  every  man's  con- 
science to  himself,  ought  by  the  common  doctrine  of  protes- 
tants  to  be  forced  or  molested  for  religion." 3  "  God  com- 
pels by  the  inward  persuasive  motions  of  his  spirit."  4  Any 
man  may  become  a  minister  of  God,  since  "  the  Gospel 
makes  no  difference  from  the  magistrate  himself  to  the 
meanest  artificer,  if  God  evidently  favor  him  with  spiritual 
gifts."  B  "  It  is  a  fond  error,  though  too  much  believed 
among  us,  that  the  university  makes  a  minister  of  the  gos- 
pel." 6  Moreover,  it  was  no  lifeless  belief  in  the  Scriptures 
that  Milton  was  insisting  upon ;  far  more  important  than  the 
outer  word  was  the  inner  word  of  the  Spirit.  This  is  the 

1  Prose  Works,  II,  pp.  521,  523 :  Treatise  of  Civil  Power  in  Ecclesi- 
astical Causes. 

*  Same,  II,  p.  537. 

'Same,  II,  p.  532:  Treatise  of  Civil  Power,  etc. 

*  Same,  p.  538. 

"Same,    III,    p.    40:    Consideration    How    to    Remove    Hire- 
lings, etc. 
'  Same,  III,  p.  36. 


132  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

point  in  which  the  poet  was  inseparably  linked  to  what  was, 
since  1644,  the  fundamental  thought  of  Independency. 

In  addition  to  unscriptural  views  of  predestination  and 
election  Milton  has  been  accused  of  heterodox  teachings  re- 
garding the  divinity  of  Christ,  in  Paradise  Lost,  Paradise 
Regained,  and,  most  of  all,  in  the  Christian  Doctrine.1 
The  expressions  in  his  earlier  works  regarding  the  Trinity 
are  unquestionably  orthodox. 

"  That  glorious  form,  that  light  unsufferable, 
And  that  far-beaming  blaze  of  majesty, 
Wherewith  He  wont  at  Heaven's  high  council-table 
To  sit  the  midst  of  Trinal  Unity."  * 

"  Thou,  therefore,  that  sittest  in  light  and  glory  unap- 
proachable, Parent  of  angels  and  men !  next,  Thee  I  im- 
plore, Omnipotent  King,  Redeemer  of  that  last  remnant, 
whose  nature  Thou  didst  assume,  ineffable  and  everlasting 
Love !  And  Thou,  the  third  subsistence  of  divine  infinitude, 
illumining  Spirit,  the  joy  and  solace  of  created  things! 
One  Tripersonal  Godhead!  look  upon  this  thy  poor  and 
almost  spent  and  expiring  Church."  3 

The  change  in  Milton's  views  from  strict  orthodoxy  to 
complete  toleration,  to  a  disregard  for  denominational  lines 
and  an  utter  dependence  on  the  "  inner  light,"  is  accom- 
panied by  his  changed  attitude  toward  the  "  visible  church." 
Bishop  Newton  remarks  "  that  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life 
Milton  was  not  a  professed  member  of  any  particular  sect  of 
Christians,  that  he  frequented  no  publick  worship,  nor 
used  any  religious  rite  in  his  family.  Whether  so  many 
different  forms  of  worship  as  he  had  seen  had  made  him  in- 
different to  all  forms ;  or  whether  he  thought  that  all  Chris- 

1  Todd :  Life  of  Milton,  p.  323. 

1  Ode  on  the  Morning  of  Christ's  Nativity. 

*  Prose  Works,  II,  p.  417:  Of  Reformation  in  England. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  133 

tians  had  in  some  things  corrupted  the  purity  and  simplicity 
of  the  Gospel ;  or  whether  he  disliked  their  endless  and  un- 
charitable disputes  and  that  love  of  dominion  and  inclination 
to  persecution  which  he  said  was  a  piece  of  popery  insepa- 
rable from  all  churches;  or  whether  he  did  not  look  upon 
himself  inspired,  as  wrapt  up  in  God,  and  above  all  forms 
and  ceremonies ;  it  is  not  easy  to  determine :  to  his  own  mas- 
ter he  standeth  or  falleth :  but  if  he  was  of  any  denomina- 
tion, he  was  a  sort  of  Quietist,  and  was  full  of  the  interior 
of  religion,  though  he  so  little  regarded  the  exterior." 1 
It  has  been  suggested  that  Milton's  blindness  and  other  in- 
firmities might  be  in  part  his  excuse  for  frequenting  no 
place  of  public  worship.  Certain  it  is  that  his  daily  em- 
ployments were  always  ushered  in  by  devout  meditation 
and  study  of  the  Scriptures. 

Such  a  life  of  religious  meditation,  however,  of  regard 
for  the  inner  religion  and  disregard  for  its  outer  forms, 
of  Quietistic  contemplation,  was  developed  in  the  sectarian 
life  of  England  after  Cromwell's  final  assumption  of  the 
authority  that  had  rested  with  the  "  Parliament  of  Saints  " ; 
it  is  the  religious  life  we  should  expect  of  a  student  of  Jakob 
Boehme.  Such  a  life  was  exemplified  by  the  Quakers,  the 
Philadelphists,  the  members  of  the  "  Theosophical  Rosicru- 
cian  Brotherhood  "  that  emigrated  to  Pennsylvania.  Such 
a  life  is  reflected  in  the  religious  convictions  of  Milton's 
friend.  Roger  Williams,  with  whom  he  may  have  read 
Boehme's  writings  in  Dutch,  since  most  of  them  were  pub- 
lished very  early  in  that  language.  Todd  suggests,  as  an  ex- 
planation of  the  change  of  view  in  Milton's  later  writings, 
that  "  he  drank  largely  perhaps  from  the  turbid  streams  " 
of  the  "  Arian  and  Socinian  pieces  published  in  Holland 

1  Todd,  p.  333- 


134  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

and  dispersed  in  England."  1  These  convictions  were  like- 
wise held  by  Henry  Vane,  who  was  undoubtedly  influenced 
by  the  writings  of  Jakob  Boehme. 

Milton  might  have  seen  German  copies  of  Boehme's 
works  brought  to  England  by  fugitives  from  the  Thirty 
Years'  War.  There  is  evidence  that  the  poet  included 
among  his  linguistic  accomplishments  the  ability  to 
read  German.2  Dr.  Pagit,  Milton's  physician  and  friend, 
intimate  likewise  in  the  household  of  the  Quaker  Isaac 
Pennington,  recommended  the  young  Quaker  Thomas 
Ellwood,3  who  read  to  the  blind  poet  and  to  whom  is 
ascribed  the  suggestion  that  resulted  in  Paradise  Re- 
gained. Milton's  large  circle  of  German  friends  were, 
moreover,  the  practical  carriers  of  many  ideas  that  Boehme 
embodied  in  his  philosophy.4  And  it  is  beyond  question  that 
Hartlib  at  least  was  intimately  acquainted  with  the  teach- 
ings and  writings  of  Boehme. 

Among  the  comparatively  few  state  papers  that  Milton 
preserved  from  his  secretaryship  and  prepared  for  publica- 
tion is  an  address  to  Parliament  in  1653  by  Mr.  Samuel 
Herring,  which  shows  in  the  matters  suggested  for  the 
"  honorable  considerations "  of  the  members  a  striking 
similarity  to  Milton's  views :  "  That  it  may  be  lawf ull  for 
all  men,  of  what  degree  or  quality  soever,  to  teach  the 
word,  according  to  there  light,  and  the  spirit's  illumination, 
and  to  settle  themselves  in  the  ministry,  giving  good  testi- 
mony of  there  inward  call  thereunto  by  the  spirit. 

"  That  liberty  of  conscience,  in  matters  of  religionj  should 
be  freely  granted  to  all  people,  provided  they  submitt,  and 

'Todd,  p.  322. 

'Stern:  Life  of  Milton,  III,  p.  31. 

*  Masson,  VI,  p.  469. 

4  See  above,  pp.  65,  89. 


MILTON  AND  BOEHME  135 

shall  live  quietly  and  peaceably,  under  the  government  of 
this  Commonwealth;  for  religion  is  soe  difficult  and  tender, 
that  it  is  beyond  man's  reach,  rightly  to  judge  of  it. 

"  That  all  possible  meanes  should  be  used  for  uniting  the 
clergie  throughout  the  land  into  one  universall  body,  soe 
that  they  should  lay  asyde  all  there  writing  bookes  and 
disputations ;  they  should  only  labour  after  unity,  peace  and 
concord. 

"  That  two  colledges  in  each  university,  shall  be  sett 
apart  for  such  as  shall  wholly  and  solely  apply  themselves 
to  the  studdy  of  attaining  and  enjoying  the  spirit  of  our 
Lord  Jesus,  to  which  study  needs  few  bookes,  or  outward 
humane  helps  (for  all  lyeth  in  man's  willinge  and  yeeldinge 
himselfe  up  to  his  inward  teacher)  soe  that  only  the  holy 
scriptures  would  be  sufficient,  but  that  the  noble  mind  of 
man  soaringe  beyond  the  letter,  or  rule  held  out  from  the 
same,  therefore  the  workes  of  Jacob  Behmen,  and  such 
like,  who  had  true  revelation  from  the  true  spirit,  would  be 
great  furtherance  thereunto;  and  none  but  the  holy  scrip- 
tures, and  such  bookes  aforesaid,  should  be  used  in  thee 
colledges,  all  in  English.  This  study  rightly  attained,  would 
confute  and  confound  the  pride  and  vaine  glory  of  outward 
humane  learning,  strong  reason,  and  high  astrall  parts,  and 
would  shew  men  the  true  ground  and  depth  of  all  things ;  for 
it  would  lead  men  into  the  true  nothinge,  in  which  they 
may  behold  and  speculate  all  things,  to  a  clear  satisfaction 
and  contentednesse."  * 

Is  it  possible  that  Milton  heard  no  mention  of  Boehme, 
not  among  his  German  friends  who  shared  Boehme's  pro- 
gressive ideas,  nor  among  his  religious  friends  whose  doc- 
trines were  supported  by  Boehme's  teachings,  nor  among 
his  political  friends  in  whose  army  Boehme  was  read? 
1  State  Papers,  pp.  99,  100. 


136  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Through  his  connection  with  the  academy  spirit  of  his  time, 
with  the  movement  of  Independency  and  of  religious  tol- 
eration, Milton  was  being  unconsciously  led  to  an  interest 
in  Boehme,  whose  writings  he  might  have  come  across  in 
English  or  German  any  time  after  1644.  It  will  now  be 
our  task  to  show  that  such  an  interest  really  did  exist. 


CHAPTER  V 

SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME 

IN  RELIGIOUS,  PHILOSOPHICAL,  AND 

POLITICAL  IDEAS 

As  SHOWN  IN  "  PARADISE  LOST/'  "  PARADISE  REGAINED/' 
AND  "  CHRISTIAN  DOCTRINE  " 

INTERPRETERS  of  Milton  agree  that  he  was  not  exclusively 
Platonic,  Hellenic,  Hebraic,  medieval,  nor  modern,  yet  so 
strong  has  been  the  traditional  belief  in  his  classicism  that 
the  other  formative  elements  of  his  lifework  have  hardly 
received  just  appreciation.  Every  discussion  of  the  He- 
braic and  medieval  elements  has  overlooked  one  fact;  these 
two  elements  were  fused  in  the  new  humanism  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century  that  transformed  the  curious  interest  in 
the  individual  into  a  reverent  love  for  the  race.  If  Milton 
is  not  to  be  considered  in  the  narrower  sense  either  classicist 
or  romanticist,  what  facts  really  explain  his  evident  sym- 
pathy with  two  such  widely  differing  views  of  the  universe  ? 
His  poetry  exemplifies  the  necessary  relation  between  a 
definite  philosophic  purpose  and  art;  his  imagination  is  in- 
spired only  to  raise  the  soul  of  man  to  ever  higher  purpose 
and  endeavor.  This  breadth  and  clarity  of  vision  separates 
Milton  from  the  brilliant  men  of  the  Renaissance,  to  whom 
he  is  so  closely  related  through  his  enormous  store  of  classi- 
cal learning.  To  the  intellectuality  of  true  classicism  he 
added  not  only  a  deep  and  reverent  interest  in  each  human 

137 


138  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

being  but  also  an  implicit  faith  in  the  inherent  power  of 
all  humanity  to  develop  and  press  forward  according  to  the 
eternal  truths  of  life.  These  truths  are  found  in  and  above 
this  life;  through  them  all  actions  take  place,  not  as  men 
sometimes  suppose,  in  contradiction,  but  in  an  eternal,  all- 
inclusive  harmony.  The  intimate  relation  of  this  teaching 
to  life  itself  was  Milton's  legacy  to  after-times ;  it  had  been 
Boehme's  legacy  to  Milton.  In  becoming  secretary  to  the 
Commonwealth  Milton  had  identified  himself  with  the  move- 
ment of  democracy;  he  was  willing  to  stake  his  life  in  be- 
coming officially  associated  with  that  man  of  the  people, 
Oliver  Cromwell.  The  people's  great  prophet  of  democ- 
racy was  Boehme.  In  this  excited  time,  saturated  with  the 
feeling  of  democracy  and  its  hopes,  Jakob  Boehme,  simple, 
sincere  man  of  the  people,  shoemaker,  tradesman,  seemed, 
as  did  Christ  and  the  apostles,  a  God-inspired  prophet  of 
the  people.  Some  of  Boehme's  ideas  were  absolutely  ex- 
pressive of  the  popular  feeling — ideas  of  opposition  to  a 
university-made  clergy,  to  unjust  princes,  to  war,  belief  in 
feeling  as  the  basis  of  religious  life,  in  the  necessity  of 
true  regeneration,  of  the  "  inner  light."  There  was  of 
course  much  in  Boehme  that  these  ardent  disciples  had 
never  grasped  and  made  no  attempt  to  understand.  But 
Milton  penetrated  into  "  the  Teutonic  philosophy,"  beneath 
the  veil  of  language  that  obscured  its  meaning,  and  became 
one  of  the  first  to  share  Boehme's  true  Weltanschauung. 

The  acceptance  of  the  belief  in  the  "  inner  light,"  and  the 
conception  of  the  divinely  inspired  poet — so  opposed  to  the 
traditional  idea  of  poetic  inspiration  of  which  we  have 
spoken — marks  the  change  in  spirit  and  method  between 
Milton's  earlier  and  later  poetry.  In  his  later  years  the 
poet  became  a  man  inspired  by  God,  in  his  blindness  seeing, 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      139 

because  dependent  wholly  upon  the  guidance  of  the  light 
within. 

"So  much  the  rather  thou,  Celestial  Light, 
Shine  inward,  and  the  mind  through  all  her  powers 
Irradiate;  there  plant  eyes,  all  mist  from  thence 
Purge  and  disperse,  that  I  may  see  and  tell 
Of  things  invisible  to  mortal  sight." 

P.  L.,  Ill,  si-55. 

His  Muse  is  the  Holy  Spirit,  the 

"Heavenly  Muse,  that  on  the  secret  top 
Of  Oreb  or  of  Sinai  didst  inspire 
That  shepherd  who  first  taught  the  chosen  seed 
In  the  beginning  how  the  heavens  and  earth 
Rose  out  of  Chaos." 

P.  L.,  I,  6-10. 

"  Thou  Spirit,  who  led'st  this  glorious  Eremite 
Into  the  desert,  his  victorious  field 
Against  the  spiritual  foe,  and  brought'st  him  thence 
By  proof  the  undoubted  Son  of  God,  inspire, 
As  thou  art  wont,  my  prompted  song,  else  mute." 

P.  L.,  I,  8-12. 

This  poet  feels  the  community  of  truth  in  the  disparate 
elements  of  Hellenism  and  Christianity,  but,  with  a  con- 
sistency greater  than  in  the  earlier  poems,  ascribes  to  all 
the  Ionian  gods  and  their  oracles  a  close  relationship  with 
the  powers  of  evil.  A  consciousness  of  his  lofty  mission 
adds,  in  the  later  poems,  a  certain  conciseness  and  severity 
to  the  sensuously  beautiful  descriptions  of  the  earlier  poems. 

A  first  evidence  of  Milton's  interest  in  Boehme  is  his 
choice  of  the  full  subject  of  his  great  poems  Paradise 
Lost  and  Paradise  Regained.  Much  has  been  written, 
with  undoubted  fidelity  to  truth,  regarding  an  indebtedness 
to  Sylvester's  translation  of  Du  Bartas,  Andreini's 
Adamo,  Hugo  Grotius'  Adamus  Exul,  Vondel's  Lucifer, 
Michael  Angelo's  pictured  story  of  Adam  and  Eve  in  the 


140  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Sistine  chapel  at  Rome,  and  various  other  works  on  the 
same  theme.  In  the  fall  of  Lucifer,  the  creation  of  the 
earth,  and  the  fall  of  the  first  human  beings  Milton  was 
treating  one  of  the  most  popular  subjects  of  his  time.  The 
theme  was  fresh  in  the  popular  mind  in  the  dramatic  litur- 
gical plays  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  had  been  treated  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  Latin,  Italian,  Spanish,  Portuguese,  French, 
Dutch,  and  English.  That  does  not  tell,  however,  how  Mil- 
ton really  came  to  choose  this  particular  theme.  From  the 
Mansus  (1.78)  and  the  Epitaphium  Damonis  (11.  155-178), 
written  1639,  we  know  of  his  plans  for  a  national  epic  or 
poem  from  British  legendary  history.  In  1641  *  he  ques- 
tions "  what  king  or  knight,  before  the  conquest,  might  be 
chosen  in  whom  to  lay  the  pattern  of  a  Christian  hero  "  and 
suggests  that  the  Scriptures  also  afford  subjects,  in  the 
Song  of  Solomon  and  the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John.  Also 
sketches  from  about  the  same  time  for  a  tragedy  Paradise 
Lost  are  preserved.2  The  epic,  which  incorporated  some 
of  these  early  speeches,  was  begun  about  1658  and  finished 


Was  it  because  Milton  was  "on  evil  days  though  fallen 
and  evil  tongues,"  that  his  work  presents  as  its  theme  the 
origin  and  final  overthrow  of  evil?  In  all  of  Boehme's 
larger  works  and  in  most  of  his  pamphlets  and  epistles,  the 
central  theme,  more  or  less  elaborately  worked  out,  is  the 
origin  of  evil  —  not  evil  as  confined  to  our  human  experi- 
ence alone,  but  evil  as  a  factor  in  the  whole  universe,  its 
origin  and  final  overthrow.  In  nearly  every  case  Boehme 
gives  a  highly  poetic  and  imaginative,  yet  philosophical,  ac- 
count of  the  fall  of  Lucifer  followed  by  the  fall  of  Adam 

1  Prose  Works,  II,  pp.  478,  479. 

*  MS.  in  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

*  Stern,  IV,  p.  49. 


141 

and  Eve ;  the  two  "  falls  "  are  as  inseparable  in  his  mind 
as  they  are  fundamental  to  the  origin  of  evil  in  our  world. 
Milton's  Paradise  Lost  and  Regained  give  not  the  mere 
story  of  the  exile  of  Adam  and  Eve  from  the  happy 
garden  of  Eden,  but  a  poetic  and  philosophical  discussion 
of  the  nature  of  God,  the  creation  of  the  universe  and  the 
mundane  sphere,  the  origin  of  evil,  the  creation,  fall,  and 
restoration  of  mankind — the  subject-matter,  in  fact,  of  all 
of  Boehme's  writings.  In  these  two  poems  of  Milton  and 
in  his  Christian  Doctrine  there  is  presented  an  almost  com- 
plete system  of  philosophical  and  theological  truth.  We 
have  Milton's  views  on  (i)  God — prima  materia,  (2)  God 
— Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  (3)  creation  of  angels,  (4) 
origin  of  evil,  (5)  creation  and  fall  of  man,  and  (6)  place 
of  punishment.  This  is  the  order  I  shall  follow  in  dis- 
cussing the  similarity  between  the  views  of  Milton  and 
Boehme. 

( I )  Milton  thinks  of  the  Godhead  not  as  a  personal  God 
but  as  an  abstract  Power  from  whom  all  things  proceed. 
He  is  manifested  as  the  eternal  Will  (C.  D.,  I,  p.  170), 
"  the  will  and  high  permission  of  all-ruling  Heaven  "  (P. 
L.,  I,  211 ).  "That  the  will  of  God  is  the  first  cause  of 
all  things,  is  not  intended  to  be  denied,  but  his  prescience 
and  wisdom  must  not  be  separated  from  his  will,  much  less 
considered  as  subsequent  to  the  latter  in  point  of  time.  The 
will  of  God,  in  fine,  is  not  less  the  universal  first  cause,  be- 
cause he  has  himself  decreed  that  some  things  should  be 
left  to  our  own  free  will,  than  if  each  particular  event  had 
been  decreed  necessarily"  (C.  D.,  I,  p.  39). 

The  desire  for  self-expression  resulted  in  the  creation  of 
the  universe.  This  creation  was  not  out  of  nothing  (C.  D., 
I,  p.  179),  but  out  of  the  essence  of  God: 


142  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

"  One  Almighty  is,  from  whom 
All  things  proceed,  and  up  to  him  return, 
If  not  depraved  from  good,  created  all 
To  such  perfection ;  one  first  matter  all, 
Endued  with  various  forms,  various  degrees 
Of  substance,  and,  in  things  that  live,  of  life." 

P.  L,  V,  469- 

There  is  no  empty  space,  for  God  said 

"  Boundless  the  deep,  because  I  am  who  fill 
Infinitude;  nor  vacuous  the  space, 
Though  I,  uncircumscribed,  myself  retire, 
And  put  not  forth  my  goodness,  which  is  free 
To  act  or  not.    Necessity  and  Chance 
Approach  not  me,  and  what  I  will  is  Fate." 

P.  L.,  VII,  168. 

This  boundless  space  is  called  the  "  Abyss  vast,  immeasur- 
able," "  the  unreal,  vast,  unbounded  Deep." 

"  The  secret  of  the  hoary  Deep — a  dark 
Illimitable  ocean,  without  bound, 

Without  dimension,  where  length,  breadth,  and  highth, 
And  time,  and  place,  are  lost." 

P.  L.,  II,  891- 

The  conception  of  the  Abyss  is  personified,  under  the 
figures  of  "  unoriginal  Night  and  Chaos  wild  "  : 

"  Where  eldest  night 
And  chaos,  ancestors  of  Nature,  hold 
Eternal  anarchy,  amidst  the  noise 
Of  endless  wars,  and  by  confusion  stand." 

P.  L.,  II,  894. 

"  This  wild  Abyss, 

The  womb  of  Nature,  and  perhaps  her  grave, 
Of  neither  Sea,  nor  Shore,  nor  Air,  nor  Fire, 
But  all  these  in  their  pregnant  causes  mixed 
Confusedly,  and  which  thus  must  ever  fight." 

P.  L.,  II.  910. 

"  The  wide  womb  of  uncreated  Night, 
Devoid  of  sense  and  notion." 

P.  L.,  II,  151. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      143 

Since  Nature  is  created  a  part  of  God,  "  God  and  Nature 
bid  the  same"  (P.  L.,  VI,  174),  and  "God  is  all  in  all" 

(111,341)- 

According  to  Boehme,  God  is  pure  uncorporeal  spirit,  the 
power,  potentiality,  and  eternal  foundation  of  all  existence. 
"  Men  cannot  say  of  God,  that  he  is  this  or  that  evil  or 
good,  which  hath  distinction  in  itself,  for  he  is  in  himself 
natureless  as  also  affectionless  and  creatureless.  He  hath 
no  inclination  to  anything,  for  there  is  nothing  before  him 
to  which  he  should  incline,  neither  any  evil  or  good.  He  is 
in  himself  the  Abyss  [or  Chaos],  without  any  will  at  all; 
in  respect  of  nature  and  creature,  he  is  as  an  Eternal  Noth- 
ing. .  .  .  He  is  the  nothing  and  all  things ;  and  is  one  only 
will,  in  which  lieth  the  world  and  whole  creation."  *  "  God 
is  to  be  considered,  as  to  what  he  is,  without  nature  and 
creature  in  himself,  in  a  self-comprehensible  Chaos,  without 
ground,  time,  and  place."2  This  Chaos  is  the  Mys- 
terium  Magnum,  out  of  which  light  and  darkness,  that  is 
the  foundation  of  Heaven  and  Hell,  is  shown  from  eternity 
and  made  manifest,  a  chaos,  because  good  and  evil  arise  out 
of  it,  viz.,  "  light  and  darkness,  life  and  death,  joy  and 
grief,  salvation  and  damnation."  3 

(2)  This  eternal  foundation  of  all  being  is  to  be  under- 
stood as  eternal  will  with  a  desire  for  self-comprehension, 
self-expression  through  its  own  existence.  "  The  first  only 
will,  without  a  beginning,  begets  in  itself  a  comprehensible 
will  which  is  Son  to  the  Abyssal  Will,  when  the  nothing 
makes  within  itself  into  a  something  wherein  the  Abyss  con- 

1  Election,  chap,   i,   §§  4-8.     See   Three  Prin.,  chap,   iv,   §§  31-46, 
Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  i,  §  2. 
1  Election,  chap,  i,  §  20. 
'  Clavis,  pp.  48,  50. 


144  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

ceives  [forms]  itself  into  a  Byss,  and  the  issue  of  the 
Abyssal  Will  through  the  conceived  Son  is  called  Spirit; 
and  that  which  is  issued  is  the  delight  wherein  the  Father 
ever  finds  and  beholds  Son  and  Spirit,  and  it  is  called  God's 
Wisdom,  or  contemplation."  1  "  Therein  lie  all  things  as 
a  divine  Imagination,  wherein  all  ideas  of  angels  and  souls 
are  seen  eternally  in  divine  likeness,  not  as  creatures,  but  as 
a  reflection ;  as  when  a  man  beholds  himself  in  a  mirror." 2 
Boehme  thus  marks  the  division  of  this  spirit  into  Father, 
Son,  and  Spirit,3  but  as  he  elsewhere  names  them,  the 
Father  as  wrath-fire,  the  Son  as  light  of  love,  and  the  Spirit 
as  the  living  power  and  virtue  of  both,  they  do  not  approach 
very  near  to  the  Christian  conception  of  the  Trinity.  It  is 
only  in  his  relation  to  man  as  mediator  and  redeemer  that 
Christ,  Boehme's  "  second  principle,"  seems  first  to  gain  a 
distinct  personality,  and  here  he  becomes  a  subordinate 
power,  obedient  to  God.  "  Behold  the  innocent  man  Christ 
was  set  in  our  stead,  in  the  anger  of  the  Father;  he  must 
reconcile  not  only  all  that  which  Adam  had  made  himself 
guilty  of,  by  his  going  forth  from  paradise  into  the  king- 
dom of  this  world,  and  so  fell  foully  in  the  presence  of  God 
and  was  scorned  of  all  the  devils ;  but  he  must  make  atone- 
ment for  all  that  which  was  done  afterwards  and  which  is 
still  done  or  will  be  done  by  us."  *  The  Holy  Spirit  or  third 
principle  fashions  the  world  for  which  the  Word  or  second 
principle  contributes  the  material ;  the  third  principle  comes 
to  reality  and  activity  only  in  the  creation  of  the  world  °  and 
is  that  "  in  which  the  seven  properties  of  nature,  or  seven 

1  Election,  chap,  i,  §§  10-17. 

*  Clavis,  p.  43. 

8  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  vii,  §§  6-8,  9-12. 

*  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxv,  §  52. 

8  Three  Prin.,  chap,  ix,  §§  33,  36. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      145 

forming  spirits,  introduce  themselves  into  a  substance  "  1 — 
that  is,  corporeal  nature. 

While  Christ  is  spoken  of  by  Milton  as  if  he  were  "  very 
God,"  he  is  nevertheless  not  on  an  equality  with  God  the 
Father;  the  conception  of  Godhead  as  a  Triune  manifes- 
tation of  the  same  essence  is  not  mentioned  in  Paradise 
Lost.  In  the  Christian  Doctrine  (I,  pp.  79-81)  the  in- 
ternal efficiency  or  will  of  God  is  contrasted  with  the  "  ex- 
ternal efficiency  or  generation  whereby  God,  in  pursuance 
of  his  decree,  has  begotten  his  only  Son  "  by  whom  after- 
ward all  other  things  were  made  in  heaven  and  earth ;  the 
Father  and  Son  are  different  persons.  Christ  had  a  definite 
temporal  beginning, 

"  Of  all  creation  first, 
Begotten  Son,  divine  similitude, 
In  whose  conspicuous  countenance,  without  cloud 
Made  visible,  the  Almighty  Father  shines, 
Whom  else  no  creature  can  behold." 

P.  L.,  Ill,  383. 

"This  day  have  I  begot  whom  I  declare 
My  only  Son." 

P.  L.,  V,  603- 

To  the  Son  "all  regal  power  is  given"  (V,  739). 
Christ's  statement,  "  I  and  my  Father  are  one,"  means  one, 
"  not  in  essence,  but  in  love,  in  communion,  in  agreement,  in 
charity,  in  spirit,  in  glory  "  (C.  D.,  I,  p.  92).  "  Christ  could 
never  have  become  a  mediator,  nor  could  he  have  been  sent 
from  God,  nor  have  been  obedient  to  him,  unless  he  had  been 
inferior  to  God  and  the  Father  as  to  his  nature  "  (C.  D.,  I, 
p.  114). 

The  Holy  Spirit  is  spoken  of  as  the  "  Comforter  who  shall 
dwell  within  men  "  (P.  L.,  XII,  498)— the  Spirit  of  God, 
promised  alike  and  given  to  all  believers  (P.  L.,  XII,  519). 

1  Election,  chap,  iv,  §§  10-19. 


146  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

It  is  the  Holy  Spirit  who  inspires  the  poet;  he  is  the 
"  inner  light,"  the  light  celestial  in  man.  Yet  he  is  not  God ; 
for,  "  although  the  Holy  Spirit  be  nowhere  said  to  have 
taken  upon  himself  any  mediatorial  functions,  as  is  said  of 
Christ,  nor  to  be  engaged  by  the  obligations  of  a  filial  rela- 
tion to  pay  obedience  to  the  Father,  yet  he  must  evidently 
be  considered  as  inferior  to  both  Father  and  Son,  inasmuch 
as  he  is  represented  and  declared  to  be  subservient  and 
obedient  in  all  things"  (C.  D.,  I,  p.  158).  "He  was  cre- 
ated or  produced  by  the  substance  of  God,  not  by  a  natural 
necessity,  but  by  the  free  will  of  the  agent,  probably  before 
the  foundations  of  the  world  were  laid,  but  later  than  the 
Son  and  far  inferior  to  him"  (C.  D.t  I,  p.  169). 

Such,  then,  is  the  Godhead  out  of  whom  and  by  whom 
the  universe  was  created.  With  Boehme  this  entire  crea- 
tion depends  upon  the  principle  that  "  if  everything  were 
only  one,  that  one  could  not  be  revealed  to  itself."  l  When 
there  is  to  be  light,  there  must  first  be  a  fire ;  fire  bears  the 
light  and  the  light  reveals  the  fire  to  itself.2  Thus  wrath 
can  become  apparent  only  through  love,  and  love  only 
through  wrath.3  So  there  is  in  God  an  eternal  contrariety 
or  opposition  of  forces,  through  the  interaction  of  which 
"  eternal  nature  "  or  the  universe  evolves.  "  All  things  con- 
sist in  Yes  or  No,  whether  Godly,  Devilish,  earthly,  or  what- 
soever it  may  be  called.  The  One,  as  the  Yes,  is  pure 
power  and  life,  and  is  the  truth  of  God  or  God  himself.  But 
God  would  be  unknowable  to  himself,  and  would  have  in 
himself  no  joy,  perception,  or  exaltation  without  the  No. 
The  No  is  the  opposite  to  the  Yes  or  the  truth.  In  order 
that  the  truth  may  be  manifest  as  a  Something,  there  must 

1 177  Theos.  Quest.,  p.  3,  §  6. 

*  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  xl,  §  3. 

*  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  iv,  §  19,  chap,  v,  §  7,  chaps,  viii-x. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      147 

be  a  contrariety  therein."  x  This  our  world,  "  with  all  that 
belongs  to  it,  as  well  as  man,  is  created  as  an  out-birth,  out 
of  the  eternal  nature :  and  God  hath  created  it  for  no  other 
cause,  but  that  he  would,  in  his  eternal  wisdom,  manifest 
the  wonders  which  are  in  the  eternal  nature."  2 

(3)  The  angels,  according  to  Boehme  a  part  of  the  bal- 
ance and  harmony  in  God,  "  were  created  in  the  first  princi- 
ple, and  enlightened  from  the  light  of  God,  that  they  might 
increase  the  paradisical  joy  and  abide  therein  eternally.  All 
they  do  is  an  increasing  of  the  heavenly  joy,  and  a  delight 
and  pleasure  to  the  Heart  of  God,  a  holy  sport  in  paradise ; 
to  this  end  God  created  them,  that  he  might  be  manifested 
and  rejoice  in  his  creatures  and  the  creatures  in  him."8 

The  angels  of  Paradise  Lost, 

"  Sons  of  light,  with  songs 
And  choral  symphonies,  day  without  night 
Circle  his  throne  rejoicing."  y     g 

"  Solemn  days  they  spend 
In  song  and  dance  about  the  sacred  hill."  y   go 

"  They  eat,  they  drink  and  in  communion  sweet 

Quaff  immortality  and  joy."  v  /•„ 

And 

"  As  they  please 

They  limb  themselves  and  colour,  shape  or  size 
Assume,  as  likes  them  best,  condense  or  rare." 

VI,  35t. 

Boehme's  angels  are  "  all  of  them  together  a  fitted  In- 
strument of  the  eternal  spirit  of  God  in  his  joy."  4  Some 
angelical  prince  "  begins  in  his  rank  or  file  a  round,  with 
his  legions,  with  singing,  sounding  forth,  dancing,  rejoicing 
and  jubilating.  This  is  heavenly  music,  for  here  everyone 

1  777  Theos.  Quest.,  chap,  iii,  §§  2,  4. 
'  Threefold  Life,  chap,  iii,  §  40. 
'Three  Prin..  chap,  iv,  §§65-66. 
*  Election,  chap,  iv,  §  48. 


148  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

sings  according  to  his  quality,  and  the  king  rejoices  and 
jubilates  with  his  angels,  to  the  honor  of  the  great  God, 
and  to  the  increasing  and  multiplying  of  the  heavenly  joys, 
and  that  is  in  the  Heart  of  God  as  a  holy  sport  or  play."  * 
"  When  the  heavenly  music  of  the  angels  rises  up,  there  rise 
up  all  manner  of  figures,  shapes  or  ideas  and  all  manner  of 
colors.  The  angels  are  of  various  manifold  qualities  and 
have  several  colors  and  beauties." 2  They  are  not  cor- 
poreal, but  of  a  bright  clear  visible  substance,  as  if  it  were 
material.3  In  heaven  they  sing  the  "  paradisical  songs  of 
praise  concerning  the  pleasant  fruit  in  paradise  which 
groweth  in  the  divine  power.  Can  this  be  no  joy  and  re- 
joicing? And  should  not  that  be  a  pleasant  thing,  with  the 
many  thousand  sorts  of  angels  to  eat  heavenly  bread,  and 
to  rejoice  in  their  communion  and  fellowship  ?  "  4 

(4)  So  far  there  is  no  evil  in  the  universe.  Both 
Boehme  and  Milton  believe  that  evil  is  not  in  God  and  is 
not  willed  by  God.  But  the  visible  world,  evolved  from 
God's  eternal  nature,  a  shadow  of  heaven,5  is  manifestly  not 
wholly  good.  This  is  due  to  the  fall  of  the  angel  Lucifer. 
This  angel,  according  to  Boehme,  was  "  a  prince  and  king 
over  many  legions,  but  he  became  a  devil  and  hath  lost  the 
beautiful,  bright,  and  glorious  image.  For  he,  as  well  as 
other  angels,  was  created  out  of  the  eternal  nature,  out  of 
the  eternal  indissoluble  band,  and  hath  also  stood  in  para- 
dise, also  felt  and  seen  the  working  of  the  holy  Deity,  the 
birth  of  the  second  principle  (Christ),6  and  the  confirmation 

Aurora,  chap,  xii,  §§32-33. 
Aurora,  chap,  xii,  §§  34,  60. 
Three  Prin.,  chap,  ix,  §  18. 
Three  Prin.,  chap,  x,  §§  15,  16. 
P.  L.,  V,  574-76;  Election,  chap,  v,  §§50-52. 
In  P.  L.,  the  Father  announces  the  birth  of  his  only  Son  to 
the  Angels,  among  whom  is  Lucifer.    V,  603. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      149 

of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  his  food  should  have  been  of  the  Word 
of  the  Lord,  and  therein  he  should  have  continued  an  angel. 
But  he  saw  that  he  was  a  prince,  standing  in  the  first  prin- 
ciple, and  so  despised  the  birth  of  the  Heart  of  God  (Christ), 
and  the  soft  and  very  lovely  influence  thereof,  and  meant 
to  be  a  very  potent  and  terrible  lord ;  he  despised  the  meek- 
ness of  the  Heart  of  God.  He  would  not  set  his  imagina- 
tion therein,  and  therefore  he  could  not  be  fed  from  the 
Word  of  the  Lord,  and  so  his  light  went  out,  whereupon 
presently  he  became  a  loathsomeness  in  paradise,  and  was 
spewed  out  of  his  princely  throne,  with  all  his  legions  that 
stuck  to  him.  He  also  presently  lost  the  image  of  God. 
Thus  all  things  departed  from  him  and  he  remained  in  the 
valley  of  darkness.  He  is  shut  up  in  the  fire  of  the  first 
principle,  and  yet  he  raiseth  himself  up  continually,  thinking 
to  reach  the  Heart  of  God  and  to  domineer  over  it.  His 
climbing  up  in  his  will  is  his  fall  and  the  more  he  climbeth 
up  in  his  will,  the  greater  is  his  fall."  *  The  second  prin- 
ciple is  extinguished  in  him ;  his  being  is  out  of  "  tempera- 
ture "  or  harmony.  The  fire  and  light,  the  wrath  and  love 
were  balanced  until  Lucifer  exalted  self,  opposed  God  and 
became  shut  up  in  the  principle  of  fire-wrath.  Lucifer  and 
his  angels  had  free-will  before  their  fall ; 2  afterward  they 
were  obliged  by  their  nature  to  do  only  evil.3  With  this 
compare  P.  L.,  I,  159-162: 

"  But  of  this  be  sure — 
To  do  aught  good  never  will  be  our  task, 
But  ever  to  do  ill  our  sole  delight, 
As  being  the  contrary  to  His  high  will 
Whom  we  resist." 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  iv,  §§65-71. 
1  Threefold   Life,   chap,    viii,   §43. 
*  Three  Prin.,  chap,  v,  §  30. 


150  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

(5)  This  explanation  of  the  origin  of  evil  does  not  accord 
very  closely  with  the  usual  orthodox  Christian  explanation 
which  notes  the  fact  that  Eve  was  tempted  by  a  fallen  angel, 
but  nevertheless  attributes  the  real  entrance  of  evil  into  the 
world  to  the  fall  of  Adam  and  Eve.  In  Boehme's  teaching 
strong  emphasis  is  laid  upon  the  fact  that  it  was  Lucifer's 
malice  and  envy  that  brought  woe  into  this  world.  In  Lu- 
cifer's fall,  however,  evil  had  not  yet  become  an  autonomous 
force.  Milton  and  Boehme  agree  that  God  plans  to  make 
evil  serve  good,  out  of  evil  to  create  good.1  Hence  He  can 
create  man  in  Lucifer's  stead,  even  though  foreknowing 
that  Adam  will  fall  a  victim  to  the  same  self-will  that 
destroyed  the  proud  angel.  "  When  Lucifer  fell  he  was 
thrust  out  into  the  first  principle;  and  then  the  throne  in 
the  second  principle  was  empty.  In  the  same  principle 
God  created  man,  who  should  continue  therein,  and  should 
be  tempted  to  try  whether  that  were  possible;  and  to  that 
end  it  was  that  God  created  the  third  principle  [the  Holy 
Spirit],  in  the  place  of  this  world,  that  man  also  (in  the 
fall)  might  not  become  a  devil,  but  that  he  might  be  helped 
again.  As  Milton  has  it  (the  italics  are  mine)  : 

"  To  him 

Glory  and  praise  whose  wisdom  had  ordained 
Good  out  of  evil  to  create — instead 
Of  spirits  malign,  a  better  race  to  bring 
Into  their  vacant  room,  and  thence  diffuse 
His  good  to  worlds  and  ages  infinite." 

P.  L.,  VII,  188. 

Compare  also  XII,  470.  Boehme,  on  the  other  hand,  says : 
"  Therefore  the  enmity  of  the  devil  against  Christ  is  because 
he  sitteth  upon  his  royal  throne.  Thus  the  place  of  this 

1 "  [The  apostate's]  evil 
Thou  usest,  and  from  thence  creat'st  more  good." 

P.  L.,  VII,  615. 


SIMILARITY  .BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      151 

world  is  the  throne  and  body  of  our  Christ;  and  all  is  his 
own  also ;  and  the  devil  is  our  Christ's  captive."  l  "  For 
the  kingdom  of  darkness  must  also  have  creatures.  They 
are  all  profitable  and  useful  to  God."  2 

Boehme's  Satan,  "  as  he  is  called  in  heaven,"  hated  man 
as  well  as  Christ ;  having  himself  been  a  prince  and  hierarch 
and  cast  out  for  his  pride,  he  envied  man  the  glory  of  being 
created  in  and  for  the  spiritual  world,  the  place  which  he 
himself  once  possessed.3  Milton's  Lucifer  exclaims 

"  Behold  instead 
Of  us  outcast,  his  new  delight, 
Mankind  created,  and  for  him  this  world." 

P.  L.,  IV,  105. 
He  was 

"With  envy  seized 
At  sight  of  all  this  world  beheld  so  fair." 

HI,  552. 

"  Thus  while  he  spake,  each  passion  dimmed  his  face 
Thrice  changed  with  pale  ire,  envy  and  despair." 

IV,  1 13.' 

The  clear-cut  and  distinct  individuality  of  Milton's  Satan 
that  has  led  to  the  assertion  that  he  is  the  hero  of  Para- 
dise Lost  is  likewise  characteristic  of  Boehme's  Satan.  The 
archangel  Michael  thus  addresses  Milton's  Satan  at  the  time 
of  the  war  in  heaven : 

"How  hast  thou  instilled 
Thy  malice  into  thousands,  once  upright 
And  faithful,  now  proved  false!    But  think  not  here 
To  trouble  holy  rest ;  Heaven  casts  thee  out 
From  her  confines ;  Heaven,  the  seat  of  bliss, 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxv,  §§  103-4. 
1  Election,  chap.  viii.  §  176. 

*  Regeneration,  chap,  ii,  §46.     Also  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  xv,  §19; 
chap,  xvii,  §  31. 
4  See  also  P.  L.,  I,  34;  VI,  898. 


152  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Brooks  not  the  works  of  violence  and  war. 
Hence,  then,  and  evil  go  with  thee  along, 
Thy  offspring,  to  the  place  of  evil,  Hell, — 
Thou  and  thy  wicked  crew ! " 

P.  L.,  VI,  269-77- 

With  this  compare  Boehme's  words  to  Satan  (Four  Com- 
plex-ions, chap,  iii,  p.  63)  :  "  Whence  comest  thou,  thou 
black  wretch  ?  I  thought  thou  hadst  been  in  heaven,  among 
the  angels;  how  comest  thou  to  be  expelled  from  thence, 
and  loaded  with  the  register  or  catalogue  of  God's  anger? 
I  thought  thou  hadst  been  a  prince  in  God;  how  art  thou 
then  become  his  executioner?  Is  so  fair  an  angel  become 
a  base  executioner  ?  Fye  upon  thee ;  what  hast  thou  to  do 
with  me?  Away  to  the  angels  in  Heaven,  if  thou  art 
God's  servant.  Fye  on  thee,  avaunt  hence,  thou  servile 
executioner  of  God's  wrath :  Go  to  thine  own  angels ;  thou 
hast  nothing  to  do  here."  * 

A  study  of  the  means  used  by  Satan  in  bringing  about 
the  downfall  of  his  hated  successors  reveals  another  of 
Boehme's  fundamental  conceptions.  The  imagination  plays 
a  great  role  in  his  thought.  It  is  the  power  or  faculty 

1  This  same  comparison  I  found  in  the  course  of  my  study  on 
this  subject  in  a  work  by  Julius  Otto  Opel  (1864)  on  Valentin 
Weigel,  the  mystic  whose  works  Boehme  read.  With  no  idea  of 
the  spread  of  Boehme's  works  in  England  or  of  the  historical 
connection  between  the  two  men  (Boehme  and  Milton),  Opel 
makes  the  following  striking  statement  in  a  note,  p.  239 :  "  Only 
Milton  is  to  be  compared  with  Boehme.  Klopstock,  in  spite  of  his 
Messias,  was  of  an  entirely  different  nature.  Boehme  is  a  religious 
and  political  Puritan,  even  though  his  political  inclinations  are  less 
apparent.  It  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to  compare  the  two 
writers,  particularly  from  the  aspect  of  their  religious-philosophical 
views.  Whole  songs  from  Milton's  Paradise  Lost  seem  to  find 
expression  in  Boehme's  poetic  prose.  An  assumption  that  Milton 
knew  Boehme's  writings,  or  at  least  similar  tracts  of  German  en- 
thusiasts, must  be  given  due  consideration,  although,  so  far  as  I 
know,  it  has  not  been  brought  forward." 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      153 

through  which  the  will,  accompanied  by  strong  desire,  ef- 
fects any  creation  or  change.  "  We  apprehend  the  divine 
essence  through  the  imagination." l  "  Sin  maketh  not 
itself  but  the  will  maketh  it;  it  cometh  from  the  imagina- 
tion into  the  spirit." 2  Lucifer's  own  fall  was  brought 
about  by  his  imagination  when  he  set  his  will  and  desire 
toward  increasing  his  own  importance.3  In  like  manner 
Adam's  imagination  brought  him  into  sin.4  Similarly  Mil- 
ton says : 

"  The  first  sort  by  their  own  suggestion  fell, 
Self-tempted,  self-depraved;  man  falls  deceived 
By  the  other  first;  man  therefore  shall  find  grace, 
The  other,  none." 

P.  L.,  Ill,  129. 

Satan  first  attempts  to  poison  Eve's  imagination  through 
a  dream: 

"  Him  there  they  found 
Squat  like  a  toad,  close  at  the  ear  of  Eve, 
Assaying  by  his  devilish  art  to  reach 
The  organs  of  her  fancy,  and  with  them  forge 
Illusions  as  he  list,  phantasms  and  dreams. 
Or  if,  inspiring  venom,  he  might  taint 
The  animal  spirits,  .   .  .  thence  raise  .   .   . 
Vain  hopes,  vain  aims,  inordinate  desires." 

P.  L.,  IV,  799- 

jBoehme  says  that  man  "  is  often  like  a  toad,  whose  mind 
is  so  very  venomous,  that  it  poisoneth  a  tender  or  weak 
mind  to  the  temporal  death  by  its  imagination."  5 

According  to  Boehme's  account  Adam  and  Eve  were 
tainted  in  their  imagination  before  the  actual  sin  of  eating 

incarnation,  pt.  i,  chap,  vi,  §  14;  Epistle  V,  §§  10,  13. 

1  Forty  Quest.,  no.  15,  §4. 

1  Incarnation,  pt.  5,  chap,  ii,  §  28. 

4  Same,  pt.  i,  chap,  iv,  §  60. 

*  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xvi,  §  21. 


154  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

the  apple.  At  least  a  hint  of  this  seems  expressed  in 
Adam's  half -fatherly,  half-scholastic  discourse  to  Eve  upon 
her  dream ;  he  has  already  a  theoretical  knowledge  of  evil : 

"  Best  image  of  myself,  and  dearer  half, 
The  trouble  of  thy  thoughts  this  night  in  sleep 
Affects  me  equally ;  nor  can  I  like 
This  uncouth  dream — of  evil  sprung,  I  fear ; 
Yet  evil  whence?    In  thee  can  harbour  none, 
Created  pure.    But  know  that  in  the  soul 
Are  many  lesser  faculties,  that  serve 
Reason  as  chief.    Among  these  Fancy  next 
Her  office  holds ;  of  all  external  things 
Which  the  five  watchful  senses  represent 
She  forms  imaginations,  aery  shapes 
Which  Reason,  joining  or  disjoining,  frames 
All  what  we  affirm  or  what  deny,  and  call 
Our  knowledge  or  opinion.  .  .  .  Yet  be  not  sad; 
Evil  into  the  mind  of  God  or  man 
May  come  and  go,  so  unapproved,  and  leave 
No  blot  or  blame  behind." 

P.  L.,  V,  95- 

Satan's  second  and  successful  attempt  to  gain  control  of 
Eve  through  her  imagination  takes  place  when  he  assumes 
the  form  of  a  serpent ;  he  repeats  the  flattering  words  that 
he  caused  her  to  dream  (V,  78)  and  tells  her  that  she  should 
"  be  seen  a  Goddess  among  Gods  "  (IX,  547). 

"These,  these  and  many  more 
Causes  import  your  need  of  this  fair  fruit. 
Goddess  humane,  reach,  then,  and  freely  taste. 

"  He  ended ;  and  his  words,  replete  with  guile, 
Into  her  heart  too  easy  entrance  won. 
Fixed  on  the  fruit  she  gazed ;  which  to  behold 
Might  tempt  alone ;  and  in  her  ears  the  sound 
Yet  rung  of  his  persuasive  words,  impregned 
With  reason,  to  her  seeming,  and  with  truth." 

P.  L.,  IX,  730-38. 

Boehme  tells  the  same  story  in  fewer  words :  "  For  the 
devil  said  the  fruit  would  not  hurt,  but  the  eyes  of  her 


155 

sharp  understanding  would  be  opened,  and  they  should 
be  as  God;  this  Eve  liked  very  well,  that  she  should  be  a 
Goddess  and  wholly  consented  thereto ;  and  in  this  full  con- 
sent she  fell  from  the  divine  harmony."  l 

The  various  results  of  man's  fall  are  similarly  treated  by 
Boehme  and  Milton.  Whereas  before  there  has  been  "  eter- 
nal Spring"  (P.  L.,  IV,  268;  X,  679)  and  "Spring  and 
Autumn  together  hand  in  hand  "  (V,  394)  now  "  the  air 
must  suffer  change  "  (X,  212). 

"The  sun 

Had  first  his  precept  so  to  move,  so  shine, 
As  might  affect  the  earth  with  cold  and  heat 
Scarce  tolerable ;  and  from  the  north  to  call 
Decrepit  winter;  from  the  south  to  bring 
Solstitial  summer's  heat." 

X,  651.' 

Boehme  says  that  "  no  heat  nor  cold  had  touched  them  if 
Adam  had  not  fallen ;  there  had  also  no  winter  been  mani- 
fest upon  the  earth,  for  in  paradise  there  was  an  equal  tem- 
perature." 3  But  they  fell,  and  heat  and  cold  seized  upon 
them.4  The  fall  "  caused  the  earth  to  tremble,  whereby 
the  earth  trembled  also  in  the  death  of  Christ  and  the 
rocks  cleaved  in  sunder."  5  "  And  here  the  Heaven  in  man 
trembled  for  horror;  as  the  earth  quaked  in  wrath  when 
his  anger  was  destroyed  on  the  cross  by  the  sweet  love  of 
God."  6  In  Paradise  Lost, 

1  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  xx,  §  25. 

1  See  also  P.  L.,  X,  687,  1056. 

1  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  xviii,  §  13. 

4  Epistle  X,  p.  9;  Regeneration,  chap,  ii,  §61;  chap,  iii,  §68; 
Incarnation,  pt.  i,  chap,  ii,  §  53. 

'  Threefold  Life,  chap,  xiv,  §46;  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xv,  §26; 
P.  L.,  X,  660;  IV,  671. 

*  Three  Prin.,  chap,  iv,  §  28. 


156  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

"  So  saying,  her  rash  hand  in  evil  hour 
Forth  reaching  to  the  fruit,  she  plucked,  she  ate. 
Earth  felt  the  wound,  and  nature  from  her  seat 
Sighing  through  all  her  works,  gave  signs  of  woe, 
That  all  was  lost." 

P.  L.,  IX,  780. 

"  Earth  trembled  from  her  entrails  as  again 
In  pangs,  and  nature  gave  a  second  groan ; 
Sky  low'red ;  and  muttering  thunder  some  sad  drops 
Wept,  at  completing  of  the  mortal  sin 
Original." 

IX,  1000. 

Still  further  beliefs  regarding  the  nature  of  mankind  are 
similar.  Both  writers  had  faith  in  decided  influence  of  the 
stars  upon  all  life : *  Boehme  affirms  that  "  the  stars  or  con- 
stellations operate  in  man,  and  afford  him  the  senses  " ; 2 
Milton  speaks  of  the  "  sweet  influence  of  the  Pleiades " 
(P.  L.,  VII,  374)  and  the  "happy  constellations"  (VIII, 
512).  Boehme  personifies  the  divine  element  in  humanity 
as  the  "  divine  virgin  of  wisdom,"  who  controls  all  inspira- 
tion and  knowledge  of  God  in  the  human  heart.3  In  his 
invocation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  as  his  Muse,  Milton  repre- 
sents the  Holy  Spirit  as  conversing  with  Eternal  Wisdom : 

"  Descend  from  Heaven,  Urania,  by  that  name 
If  rightly  thou  art  called,  whose  voice  divine 
Following,  above  the  Olympian  hill  I  soar, 
Above  the  flight  of  Pegasean  wing! 
The  meaning,  not  the  name,  I  call ;  for  thou 
Nor  of  the  Muses  nine,  nor  on  the  top 
Of  old  Olympus  dwellst;  but  heaven-born, 
Before  the  hills  appeared  or  fountain  flowed, 
Thou  with  Eternal  Wisdom  didst  converse, 

1  Threefold  Life,  chap,  v,  §§41-45;  chap,  vi,  §78;  Three  Prin., 
chap,  xiv,  §§  12,  85-87. 

1  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  xxiii,  §  3. 
'Regeneration,  chap,  iii,  §69. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      157 

Wisdom  thy  sister,  and  with  her  didst  play 
In  presence  of  the  Almighty  Father,  pleased 
With  thy  celestial  song." 

P.  L.,  VII,  1-12. 

(6)  The  exultation  of  the  devil  over  man's  fall  (P.  L.,  X, 
46067,  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xvii,  §  63)  and  Satan's  shame 
at  his  own  fall  (P.  L.,  IV,  42-45;  IX,  163-167;  Election, 
chap,  iv,  §§  117-119)  do  not  make  hell  any  more  pleasant, 
although  the  fire  is  "  immaterial  and  eternal,"  *  and  can- 
not consume  the  "  imperishable  heavenly  essences " 2  of 
Satan's  angels,  fallen  though  they  are.  The  fallen  angels 
must  dwell  on  in  "  darkness  visible."  3 

"  Void  of  light 

Save  what  the  glimmering  of  these  livid  flames 
Casts  pale  and  dreadful  ";  * 

or,  according  to  Boehme,  in  "  darkness  absolute,  their  light 
only  what  shineth  from  their  fiery  eyes,  like  the  glimmering 
of  a  flash  of  fire."  5  Boehme's  Satan  does  not  beat  and  tor- 
ment his  children,  as  some  teach,  but  "  they  must  do  his 
will,  and  the  anguish  and  horror  of  hell  plague  every  one 
of  them  sufficiently  in  their  own  abominations."  8  These 
children  of  Satan  "  lost  their  beauteous  form  and  image  and 
became  like  serpents,  dragons,  worms,  and  evil  beasts,"  as 
soon  as  the  divine  light  was  completely  extinguished  in 
them.7  Milton's  Satan  and  his  angels  became  on  a  sudden 
a  crowd  of  hissing  snakes,  after  the  temptation  and  fall  of 
the  happy  pair  had  been  accomplished.8 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  x,  §  47. 

*P.  L.,  I,  138;  II,  09. 

1  P.  L.,  I,  63. 

4  P.  L.,  1,  180. 

'Forty  Quest.,  no.  34,  §  I. 

'Same,  no.  18,  §  25. 

T  Three  Prin..  chap,  iv,  §64. 

•P.  L.,  X,  508-20. 


158  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

In  spite  of  the  poetic  necessity  of  giving  hell  a  definite 
location  in  space,  Milton  agrees  with  Boehme  that  "  heaven 
and  hell  are  within  man."  "  There  is  nothing  that  is  nearer 
you,"  says  Boehme,  "  than  heaven  and  hell."  l  He  tells  us 
that  "  if  we  will  speak  of  our  native  country  and  tell  of  the 
resting-place  of  the  souls,  we  need  not  cast  our  minds  afar 
off ;  for  far  off  and  near  is  all  one  and  the  same  thing  with 
God ;  heaven  and  hell  are  everywhere  all  over  in  this  world. 
Therefore  the  soul  needeth  not  to  go  far;  for  at  that  place 
where  the  body  dieth,  there  is  heaven  and  hell."  2  God  did 
not  create  a  peculiar  hell  and  place  of  torment,  on  purpose 
to  plague  the  creatures,  because  he  is  not  a  God  that  wills 
evil.  To  turn  away  from  God  is  to  be  in  hell.3  Milton  as- 
serts that 

"  The  mind  is  its  own  place,  and  in  itself 
Can  make  a  Heaven  of  Hell,  a  Hell  of  Heaven." 

P.  L.,  I,  254- 
"  Within  him  Hell 

He  brings,  and  roundabout  him,  nor  from  Hell 
One  step  nor  more  than  from  himself  can  fly 
By  change  of  place." 

IV,  19. 

"  Then  wilt  thou  not  be  loth 
To  leave  this  Paradise,  but  shalt  possess 
A  Paradise  within  thee,  happier  far." 

XII,  585. 

The  name  Paradise  Regained  has  caused  some  diffi- 
culty to  commentators.  It  has  seemed  odd  to  them  that 
Milton  should  impute  the  recovery  of  Paradise  to  the  short 
scene  of  our  Saviour's  life  upon  earth,  and  not  rather  extend 
it  to  His  agony  and  crucifixion.  The  reason  suggested  is 
that  "  Paradise  regained  by  our  Saviour's  resisting  the 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  ix,  §  27. 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xix,  §§  62-67. 

'Threefold  Life,  chap,  ii,  §§53.  54- 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      159 

temptation  of  Satan  might  be  a  better  contrast  to  Paradise 
lost  by  our  first  parents  too  easily  yielding  to  the  same 
seductive  spirit."  x  If  the  poetic  plan  of  the  two  poems  de- 
manded, as  some  critics  suggest,  that  the  principle  of  evil 
which  had  been  victorious  in  the  first  part  should  be  over- 
come in  the  second,  and  that  this  be  accomplished  by  the 
symbolic  story  of  Christ's  temptation,  such  a  plan  would 
nevertheless  not  be  in  harmony  with  the  Christian  doctrine, 
which  places  all  emphasis  upon  the  sacrificial  aspect  of 
Christ's  death.  This  very  point — Christ's  salvation  of  man 
by  overcoming  temptation — Boehme  makes  most  impres- 
sive; the  conquest  of  the  principle  of  evil  is  through  temp- 
tation withstood.  He  calls  the  exposition  of  the  new  re- 
generation in  Christ  the  "  fairest  gate  or  entrance  of  under- 
standing [the  most  important  spiritual  truth]  in  the  book  " 
of  the  Three  Principles.2  A  chapter  is  given  here  likewise 
to  the  Passion  and  Death  of  Christ,  the  only  occurrence  in 
Boehme's  writings  of  such  a  discussion ;  in  the  other  works 
the  incarnation  and  birth  of  Christ  and  his  temptation  seem 
to  be  the  important  features.  In  the  Signature  Rerum  alone 
is  the  fact  of  Christ's  death  emphasized.  It  is  true  that  the 
statement  is  made  there  and  elsewhere  that  Christ's  resist- 
ance to  temptation  was  not  sufficient  for  the  full  regenera- 
tion of  mankind ;  nevertheless  Boehme  makes  this  resistance 
to  temptation  the  determining  fact.  The  scenes  of  the 
temptation,  as  Boehme  relates  them  in  his  analysis,  are  the 
scenes  represented  in  Paradise  Regained.  "  That  the  Per- 
son of  Christ,  with  his  deeds  and  essence,  might  be  rightly 
demonstrated  to  the  reader,  that  he  might  apprehend  it 
aright,  I  will  therefore  direct  him  to  the  temptation  of  Christ 
in  the  wilderness  after  his  baptism.  .  .  .  Thou  shouldest 

1  Masson :  Poetical  Works  of  Milton,  p.  286. 
1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxii,  §  24. 


160  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

open  thine  eyes,"  Boehme  continues,  "  and  not  speak  like  the 
spirit  in  Babel,  which  saith,  We  know  not  what  his  tempta- 
tion was.  Besides,  they  forbid  him  that  hath  eyes  to  see, 
none  must  search  into  it;  if  they  do  they  are  called  en- 
thusiasts and  are  cried  out  upon  for  novelists,  such  as 
broach  new  opinion  and  pretend  to  new  lights,  and  for 
heretics.  That  temptation  in  the  hard  combat  of  Adam  in 
the  Garden  of  Eden,  which  Adam  could  not  hold  out  in, 
here  the  worthy  Champion  went  through  with,  and  hath 
obtained  victory,  in  his  humanity  in  heaven,  and  over  this 
world.  Christ  was  set  against  the  kingdom  of  the  fierce 
wrath,  to  see  whether  this  second  Adam  could  stand,  and 
set  his  imagination  upon  God  and  eat  of  the  Word  of  the 
Lord.  And  there  it  was  tried  whether  the  soul  would 
press  into  God  or  into  the  spirit  of  this  world  again.  The 
earthly  body  must  be  hungry,  that  the  soul  might  be  rightly 
tempted.  Christ  rejected  the  earthly  body  and  life  and  put 
his  imagination  into  the  Word  of  God,  and  then  the  soul 
in  the  kingdom  of  heaven  was  predominant,  and  the  earthly 
body  was  as  it  were  dead  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven's 
sake.  Then  the  devil  lost  his  right  in  the  soul;  yet  he  said 
in  himself,  Thou  hast  a  right  in  the  earthly  body."  There- 
fore he  tried  the  other  two  temptations,  also  without  avail. 
For  when  "  Christ  had  overcome  in  all  the  temptations,  then 
he  had  wholly  overcome  till  the  last  victory  in  death."  * 

"  Hail,  Son  of  the  Most  High,  heir  of  both  Worlds, 
Queller  of  Satan !    On  thy  glorious  work 
Now  enter,  and  begin  to  save  mankind." 

P.  L.,  IV,  632-35. 

Thus  Milton  ends  his  story,  at  nearly  the  close  of  Para- 
dise Regained.  There  is  no  other  source  than  Boehme  from 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxii,  §§  78-100. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      161 

which  he  could  have  obtained  this  idea  of  the  temptation. 
The  coincidence  is  too  strong  to  be  merely  accidental. 

The  question  of  the  incompleteness  of  the  poem  has  also 
been  treated  by  various  critics,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  there 
are  no  grounds  for  supposing  that  it  was  left  unfinished; 
Milton  published  it  himself  and  resented  any  suggestion  that 
it  was  inferior  to  its  great  predecessor.  However,  if 
Paradise  Regained  is  considered  from  the  viewpoint  of 
being  a  direct  sequel  to  Paradise  Lost  and  consequently 
the  conclusive  and  final  poetic  expression  of  Milton's  inter- 
est in  Boehme's  religious-philosophical  teaching,  this  ques- 
tion represents  no  problem  whatever.  Boehme's  plan 
of  the  universe  included  the  restoration  with  the  fall  of 
man ;  the  origin  of  evil  presupposed  the  way  back  to  good. 
In  God  all  forces  are  in  harmony;  in  evil  some  force  be- 
comes too  strong  and  the  harmony  is  destroyed.  But 
only  in  Satan  does  this  too-strong  force  absolutely  crowd 
out  its  natural  restraining  opposites.  In  man  some  good 
is  still  present  and  may  be  brought  to  control.  Para- 
dise is  for  Boehme  not  so  much  a  place  as  a  condition, 
a  state  of  mind  and  heart.  The  second  of  Milton's  poems 
dealing  with  this  condition  of  mind  and  heart  represents 
the  process  by  which  mankind  is  brought  back  to  his  original 
state.  The  process  is  again  one  of  temptation,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  fall  of  man ;  Christ  becomes  the  Redeemer  be- 
cause in  him  the  inheritance  of  every  human  heart,  the 
"  virgin  of  wisdom,"  comes  to  its  own  again.  The  line  of 
"  inner  light,"  of  direct  communication  with  the  origin  of 
life,  is  re-established. 

In  giving  to  his  second  poem  the  name  Paradise  Re- 
gained Milton  brings  out  this  deeper  meaning  of  the  word 
paradise,  the  heaven  within  man.  Thus  Milton's  conception 
of  paradise  is  not  a  place  where  one's  dreams  come  true, 


1 62  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

but  a  state,  within  the  reach  of  humanity,  in  which  man  is 
truly  the  measure  of  all  things  of  heaven  and  of  earth. 
What  man  brings  to  his  knowledge  of  the  world  is  fully 
equal  to  what  his  senses  give  him.  We  seem  to  feel  in  this 
conception  of  paradise  the  foreshadowing  of  a  deep  philo- 
sophical system.  In  spite  of  Boehme's  ardent  piety  and  in- 
wardness of  religion,  his  interpretation  of  life  was  a  depar- 
ture from  the  orthodox  belief  in  man  as  an  essentially  sin- 
ful creature  whose  existence  here  is  but  a  preparation  for 
real  living  hereafter.  This  departure  from  orthodoxy  was 
felt  by  Boehme's  contemporaries,  who  stubbornly  opposed 
him  whether  they  made  any  efforts  really  to  understand  his 
teachings  or  not. 

The  final  similarity  between  Paradise  Regained  and 
Boehme's  teachings  is  to  be  found  in  the  delineation  of  the 
character  of  Christ.  The  objection  has  been  made  that  Mil- 
ton represents  Christ  in  this  poem  as  essentially  human ;  that 
he  utterly  loses  sight  of  Christ's  divine  nature.1  Boehme's 
Christ,  the  second  Adam,  was  like  Adam  before  the  fall,  a 
perfect  being ;  he  was  not  a  human  being  as  we  are  human, 
because  we  are  not  born  perfect,  but  he  was  also  not  yet 
divine,  for  he  was  the  son  of  God  only  in  so  far  as  Adam 
was  a  son  of  God.2  After  the  temptation  Christ  became 
entirely  divine;  then  the  virgin  of  divine  wisdom  (the  divine 
element  in  man)  espoused  the  soul  of  Christ  in  the  Trinity.8 
This  idea  of  Christ  as  the  second  Adam  is  biblical,  of  course, 
but  it  was  first  definitely  used  as  a  principle  of  theological 
dogma  by  Schleiermacher. 

The  formulation  of  a  "  body  of  divinity  "  had  been  one 
of  Milton's  plans  several  years  before  he  became  secretary 

'Todd,  p.  323. 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxii,  §§  26-27. 

*  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxii,  §  96. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      163 

of  the  Commonwealth.  Part  of  the  task  assigned  his  pupils 
at  this  time  had  consisted  in  writing  dictations,  suitable  for 
this  purpose,1  from  the  works  of  various  theologians.  The 
Christian  Doctrine  is  the  final  outcome  of  this  plan,  and  is 
the  work  of  Milton's  maturest,  possibly  his  last  years.2  The 
result,  however,  seems  notably  different  from  the  original 
plan,  since  the  Christian  Doctrine  is  based,  not  upon  the 
theology  of  contemporary  or  ancient  writers,  but  upon  the 
Scriptures  alone.  It  represents  one  of  the  very  first  at- 
tempts toward  a  strictly  biblical  theology  and  is  the  more 
remarkable  in  a  period  in  which  exegetical  studies  had  al- 
most disappeared  from  the  universities  and  scholasticism 
sought  only  the  traditional  authorities  of  dogma.3  Equally 
remarkable  is  the  fact  that  this  work  treats  not  only  of 
dogma  but  of  ethics,  which  the  theologians  of  the  reformed 
church  of  the  seventeenth  century  almost  entirely  neglected. 
The  ethical  teachings  and  their  character  of  practical  rules 
for  everyday  life  gave  to  Boehme's  writings  part  of  their 
great  popularity.  Again  and  again  he  insists  that  "  God 
will  require  an  account  of  all  our  doings  and  how  we  have 
kept  house  with  his  works."4  Boehme's  only  authority  is 
the  Bible ;  he  read  the  works  of  various  men,  he  tells  us,  but 
received  from  them  no  help  in  determining  our  attitude 
toward  the  moral  obligations  of  life.  In  his  Christian  Doc- 
trine Milton's  only  authority  is  the  Bible.  In  the  dedication 
he  defends  himself  against  the  charge  of  heresy  in  inter- 
preting the  Scriptures  for  himself.  "  It  is  only  to  the  in- 
dividual faith  of  each  that  the  Deity  has  opened  the  way  of 
eternal  salvation  and  he  requires  that  he  who  would  be 

1  Stern,  II,  p.  398. 

"Stern,  IV,  p.  147. 

1  Weingarten,  p.  81. 

4  Three  Prin.,  Preface,  §  6. 


164  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

saved  should  have  a  personal  belief  of  his  own"  (C.  D., 
dedication,  p.  2).  The  whole  work  seems  in  reality  a  de- 
fense of  his  attitude  toward  liberty  and  toleration  and  per- 
haps also  of  the  religious  views  expressed  in  Paradise  Lost 
and  Paradise  Regained,  with  which  there  is  perfect  agree- 
ment. 

So  much  for  the  similarity  in  religious  and  philosophical 
views  between  Milton  and  Boehme.  It  is  to  be  noted  also 
that  there  is  the  same  striking  similarity  in  their  utterances 
regarding  the  political  realm,  centering  about  the  prin- 
ciple of  freedom  of  conscience. 

"  A  true  judge,"  according  to  Boehme,  "  is  God's  steward 
in  the  kingdom  of  this  world ;  and  that  it  might  not  be  need- 
ful that  God  should  always  pour  forth  his  wrath  upon  the 
people,  therefore  he  hath  put  the  sword  into  their  hands  to 
protect  and  defend  the  righteous,  and  to  punish  the  evil. 
But  if  he  turneth  tyrant,  and  doth  nothing  but  devour  the 
bread  of  his  subjects,  and  only  adorneth  his  state  and 
dignity  in  pride,  to  the  oppression  of  the  needy,  and  will  not 
hear  the  oppressed,  then  he  is  an  insulting,  tormenting 
prince  and  ruler  in  the  kingdom  of  Antichrist."  *  "  Kings 
and  princes  shall  be  constrained  to  give  an  account  of  their 
subjects;  how  they  have  ruled  and  protected  them;  what 
kind  of  government  they  have  used;  why  they  have  taken 
away  the  lives  of  many  by  tyranny;  also  why  they  have 
made  war  for  their  covetousness,  and  their  pleasure's  sake."  2 
Milton  may  be  thinking  of  Boehme's  "  true  judge  "  when  he 
says  to  Satan: 

"Unjustly  thou  deprav'st  it  with  the  name 
Of  servitude,  to  serve  whom  God  ordains, 
Or  Nature;  God  and  Nature  bid  the  same, 

*  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxi,  §§  43-44.    See  also  chap,  xxi,  §§  32-33. 
1  Forty  Quest.,  no.  30,  §  74. 


SIMILARITY  BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      165 

When  he  who  rules  is  worthiest,  and  excels 
Them  whom  he  governs." 

P.  L.,  VI,  174-78. 

Michael  discourses  with  Adam  concerning  tyranny : 

"Yet  know  withal 
Since  thy  original  lapse,  true  liberty 
Is  lost,  which  always  with  right  reason  dwells 
Twinned,  and  from  her  hath  no  dividual  being. 
Reason  in  man  obscured,  or  not  obeyed, 
Immediately  inordinate  desires 
And  upstart  passions  catch  the  government 
From  Reason,  and  to  servitude  reduce 
Man,  till  then  free.    Therefore,  since  he  permits 
Within  himself  unworthy  powers  to  reign, 
Over  free  reason,  God,  in  judgment  just, 
Subjects  him  from  without  to  violent  lords 
Who  oft  as  undeservedly  enthral 
His  outward  freedom.    Tyranny  must  be, 
Though  to  the  tyrant  thereby  no  excuse." 

P.  L,  XII,  82-96. 
Milton  was 

"  not  sedulous  by  nature  to  indite 
Wars,  hitherto  the  only  argument 
Heroic  deemed." 

P.  L.,  IX,  27. 

"  O  shame  to  men !    Devil  with  devil  damned 
Firm  concert  hold ;  men  only  disagree 
Of  creatures  rational,  though  under  hope 
Of  heavenly  grace,  and,  God  proclaiming  peace, 
Yet  live  in  hatred,  enmity  and  strife 
Among  themselves,  and  levy  cruel  wars 
Wasting  the  earth,  each  other  to  destroy." 

IX,  496-502. 

Boehme's  opposition  to  war  is  even  more  outspoken, 
though  he  likewise  permits  self-defense.  "  When  any  fall 
to  firing,  killing  with  the  sword,  to  undo  people,  ruin 
towns  and  countries,  there  is  no  Christ,  but  the  anger  of 
the  Father,  and  it  is  the  devil  that  bloweth  the  fire."  l  "  He 

1  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxvi,  §  16. 


166  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

that  causeth  and  beginneth  a  war  he  is  the  devil's  officer;" 
but  "  he  that  defendeth  himself  against  his  enemy,  upon 
necessity,  without  any  other  intent  or  desire,  is  not  against 
God." 1 

The  opposition  to  a  state  church  arises  from  the  belief  in 
inspiration  and  dependence  upon  the  "  inner  light."  "  It  be- 
came a  custom,"  Boehme  relates,  "  that  every  one  was 
bound  to  come  to  the  temple  made  of  stones,  and  the 
Temple  of  God  in  Christ  stood  and  stands  very  empty ; — but 
when  they  saw  the  desolation  in  the  disputations,  they 
called  councils,  and  made  laws  and  canons  which  every 
one  must  observe  upon  pain  of  death.  Thus  the  Temple  of 
Christ  was  turned  into  temples  made  of  stone,  and  out  of  the 
testimony  of  the  Holy  Ghost  a  worldly  law  was  made. 
Then  the  Holy  Ghost  spake  no  more  freely,  but  he  must 
speak  according  to  their  laws;  if  any  came  that  was  born 
of  God  and  taught  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  was  not  con- 
formable to  their  laws,  he  must  be  a  heretic."  2  A  hired 
clergy  is  too  apt  to  serve  for  mammon's  sake,  not  from  the 
impulse  of  the  light  within,  for 

"  he  who  receives 

Light  from  above,  from  the  foundation  of  light, 
No  other  doctrine  needs,  though  granted  true." 

P.  L.,  IV,  288. 

This  results  in  a  degenerate,  worldly  church. 

"Wolves  shall  succeed  for  teachers,  grievous  wolves, 
Who  all  the  sacred  mysteries  of  heaven 
To  their  own  vile  advantages  shall  turn 
Of  lucre  and  ambition,  and  the  truth 
With  superstitions  and  traditions  taint, 
Left  only  in  those  written  records  pure, 
Though  not  but  by  the  spirit  understood." 

P.  L.,  XII,  508-14- 

1  Threefold  Life,  chap,  xii,  §§  42-43. 
*  Three  Prin.,  chap,  xxvi,  §  27. 


SIMILARITY  .BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      167 

Boehme  calls  an  uninspired  pastor  a  thief.  The  con- 
straint of  certain  set  forms  of  worship  is  death  to  the 
spirit.  Prayers  especially  must  not  be  prescribed  and  unin- 
spired, but  spontaneous  and  free,  as  when  Adam  and  Eve 
in  the  garden  of  Eden  adore  the  God  that  made  them.1 
Even  sacraments  are  not  indispensable.2  The  holy  man 
holds  no  strife  about  religion;  his  church  is  in  himself;  he 
can  dwell  in  the  midst  of  sects  and  appear  in  their  services 
without  being  bound  or  attached  to  any.  He  has  but  one 
knowledge  and  that  is  Christ  in  him.8  Milton  speaks  the 
last  word  concerning  the  state  church  when  he  says  that 
external  force  may  never  be  employed  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  which  is  the  church.4 

Coming  from  the  same  source  as  the  opposition  to  a  hire- 
ling clergy  is  the  seemingly  unrelated  dislike  of  a  learned 
or  professional  clergy.  Both  writers  agree  in  the  statement 
that  the  universities  cannot  make  ministers  of  God.5  Learn- 
ing is  opposed  to  the  "  inner  light  "  because  inspiration  can 
never  be  a  product  of  reason.  It  is  interesting  to  note  how 
little  Milton  is  influenced  by  the  philosophy  of  his  famous 
contemporary  Descartes.  The  Cartesian  philosophy  which 
needs  the  "  natural  light  "  to  prove  the  fundamental  assump- 
tions of  its  rationalism  is  nevertheless  a  philosophy  of  rea- 
son ;  Milton  considers  reason  the  supreme  faculty,  yet  he 
subordinates  to  the  guidance  of  the  "  inner  light  "  that  most 
essential  part  of  man,  his  intellectual  life.  Animals  are  not 
for  Boehme  and  Milton  the  automata  of  the  seventeenth- 
century  philosophers,  but  creatures  endowed  with  reason.6 

'P.  L.,  IV,  724-735;  V,  153-208. 

*C.  D.,  I,  p.  417. 

'Regeneration,  chap,  vi,  §§7,  151-163. 

4  C.  D.,  I,  p.  303. 

*  Threefold  Life,  chap,  xv,  §§9-10;  C.  D.,  I,  p.  435. 

"P.  L.,  IX,  558-59;  Three  Prin,,  chaps,  xvi-xxix. 


1 68  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

The  virtue,  civic  as  well  as  religious,  upon  which  both 
Milton  and  Boehme  lay  most  stress  is  that  of  "  brotherly 
love."  The  true  worship  of  God  consists  chiefly  in  the 
performance  of  good  works ;  *  these  include,  with  the  ob- 
servance of  inner  devotion  and  church  rites,  the  duties  of 
man  to  his  neighbor.  "  Brotherly  or  Christian  love  is  the 
strongest  of  all  affections,"  2  Milton  asserts,  and  "  friendship 
even  takes  precedence  of  all  degrees  of  relationship."  3  "  All 
is  God's,"  says  Boehme,  "  thou  art  a  servant,  and  shouldst 
walk  in  love  and  humility  towards  God,  and  thy  brother ;  for 
thy  brother's  soul  is  a  fellow-member  with  thy  soul,  thy 
brother's  joy  in  heaven  with  God  is  also  thy  joy,  his  wonders 
are  also  thy  wonders." 4  "  In  all  selfhood  or  own  pro- 
priety there  is  a  false  plant ;  one  brother  should  be  the  sover- 
eign cure  and  refreshment  to  another,  and  delight  and  con- 
tent his  mind  with  the  insemination  of  his  love-will.  There 
were  enough  in  this  world,  if  covetousness  drew  it  not  into  a 
selfish  propriety,  and  would  bear  good  will  to  his  brother  as 
himself,  and  let  his  pride  go,  which  is  from  the  devil."  5  Mil- 
ton maintains  that  this  love  should  be  extended  as  toleration 
to  all  who  think  differently  in  matters  of  religion.6  Salva- 
tion is  not  open  to  the  Christian  merely,  but  to  the  heathen 
and  the  Turk  as  well.  Boehme  says :  "  If  a  Turk  seek  God 
with  earnestness,  though  he  walk  in  blindness,  yet  he  is  of 
the  number  of  those  that  are  children  without  understand- 
ing ;  and  he  reacheth  to  God  with  the  children  which  do  not 

1  C.  D.,  II,  p.  i.  Compare  Boehme  (Incarnation,  chap,  vi, 
§  80)  :  "  God  needs  no  service  or  ministry :  we  should  serve  and 
minister  one  to  another  and  love  one  another  and  give  thanks  to 
the  great  God." 

1  C.  D.,  II,  p.  105 

1  C.  D.,  II,  p.  106. 

4  Forty  Quest.,  no.  12,  §  39. 

s  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  xxiv,  §21. 

"C.  D.,  I,  p.  444;  II,  p.  105. 


SIMILARITY  .BETWEEN  MILTON  AND  BOEHME      169 

yet  know  what  they  speak :  for  it  lieth  not  in  the  knowing, 
but  in  the  will."  1  In  perfect  accord  with  this  teaching  of 
Boehme,  Milton  says:  "All  have  not  known  Christ.  We 
ought  to  believe  that  the  perfect  sacrifice  of  Christ  may  be 
abundantly  sufficient,  even  for  those  who  have  never  heard 
the  name  of  Christ  and  who  believe  only  in  God."  2  Woman 
also  comes  in  for  a  generous  share  of  toleration.  Boehme 
and  Milton  agree  perfectly  regarding  her  inferiority;  the 
two  are  equally  generous  to  her. 

The  belief  in  predestination  favors  the  idea  of  a  state 
church;  the  elect  should  have  the  government  in  their 
hands,  to  be  able  to  determine  the  lives  of  those  who  are 
less  favored  by  Divine  Providence.  Milton's  opposition  to 
this  belief  began,  as  we  have  seen,  with  the  struggle  of 
independency  against  Presbyterianism.  The  Christian 
Doctrine  expresses  his  final  views :  "  there  is  no  particu- 
lar predestination  or  election  but  only  in  general,  or  in 
other  words,  the  privilege  belongs  to  all  who  heartily  believe 
and  continue  in  their  belief."  This  is  fully  in  accord  with 
Boehme's  views  and  may  have  been  one  of  the  very  things 
to  attract  Milton  to  his  writings.  The  book  on  the  Election 
of  Grace,  Boehme's  strongest  expression  against  predesti- 
nation, was  published  in  England  in  1655. 

1  Threefold  Life,  chap,  vi,  §21. 
•C.D.,  I,  p.  49- 


CHAPTER  VI 
ROMANTICISM 

WE  are  not  accustomed  to  think  of  Coleridge  as  pre-emi- 
nently an  exponent  of  mysticism.  Yet  it  is  a  fact  that  his 
attitude  of  mind  and  the  main  lines  of  his  philosophy  were 
clearly  mystical.  From  early  years,  as  Lamb  tells  us,  Cole- 
ridge was  steeped  in  the  writings  of  the  Neoplatonists. 
He  even  expresses  a  decided  indebtedness  to  the  works  of 
the  mystics,  of  Jakob  Boehme  in  particular,  one  of  the 
four  "  Great  Men  unjustly  branded,"  whose  vindication 
he  planned  sometime  to  write.  Their  works,  he  asserts, 
"  acted  in  no  slight  degree  to  prevent  my  mind  from 
being  imprisoned  within  the  outline  of  any  single  dogmatic 
system.  They  contributed  to  keep  alive  the  heart  in  the 
head ;  gave  me  an  indistinct,  yet  stirring  and  working 
presentiment,  that  all  the  products  of  the  mere  reflective 
faculty  partook  of  death,  and  were  as  the  rattling  twigs 
and  sprays  in  winter,  into  which  a  sap  was  yet  to  be  pro- 
pelled from  some  root  to  which  I  had  not  penetrated,  if  they 
were  to  afford  my  soul  either  food  or  shelter."  1 

In  this  confession  of  Coleridge  there  are  expressed  some 
of  the  essential  elements  of  romanticism,  particularly  the  in- 
sistence upon  the  feeling  rather  than  the  reason  as  the  chief 
faculty  of  the  poet.  We  shall  not  go  amiss  in  assuming  that 
the  effect  which  Boehme  had  upon  Milton  was  similar  to  his 
effect  upon  Coleridge  and  that  for  this  reason  Milton  is  to  be 

1  Coleridge :  Biograf>hia  Literaria,  New  York,  1882,  p.  262. 
170 


ROMANTICISM  171 

considered  the  forerunner,  if  not  the  actual  beginner,  of  the 
romantic  movement  in  English  literature. 

Critics  and  early  interpreters  of  Milton  seem  to  have  been 
convinced — unconsciously  perhaps — that  some  decidedly 
new  element  had  appeared  in  his  works.  The  eighteenth 
century  opens  with  the  critical  writings  of  John  Dennis 
(1657-1734).  His  point  of  view  is  interesting  by  reason  of 
its  manner  of  connecting  Milton  with  the  history  of  roman- 
ticism. Through  Dennis  the  study  of  Milton  became  re- 
lated to  that  quarrel  between  the  ancients  and  the  moderns 
in  France,  which  constitutes,  throughout  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, a  kind  of  prologue  to  the  history  of  the  idea  of  hu- 
man progress — an  idea  playing  an  important  part  in  the 
thought  of  that  period.  Dennis  wanted  a  reformation  of 
poetry.  He  maintained  that  poetry  of  a  truly  high  order 
must  spring  from  passion,  and  that  right  here  the  true  refor- 
mation must  begin.  For  him,  passion  meant,  as  for  most 
writers  of  the  eighteenth  century,  "  exalted  feeling."  The 
deepest  and  loftiest  passions  are  connected  with  religious 
feelings  and  a  sacred  theme.  He  distinguishes  between 
"  Greater  poetry  and  Less."  Milton's  works,  especially 
those  dealing  with  religious  themes,  belong  to  the  nobler 
order;  Paradise  Lost  is  the  greatest  poem  ever  written  by 
man  because  it  is  based  upon  imagination  and  enthusiastic 
passion.  Poetry,  in  fact,  a  product  of  the  feelings  rather 
than  of  the  intellect,  "  seems  to  be  a  noble  attempt  of  nature, 
by  which  it  endeavors  to  exalt  itself  to  its  happy  primitive 
state ;  and  he  who  is  entertain'd  with  the  accomplish'd  Poem, 
is  for  a  time  at  least  restor'd  to  Paradise."  l 

The  next  great  critic  to  concern  himself  with  Milton  was 
Addison  (1672-1719),  who  began  publishing  the  Paradise 

1  Dennis :  The  Advancement  and  Reformation  of  Modern  Poetry, 
1701,  p.  172.  See  also  The  Grounds  of  Criticism  in  Poetry,  1704. 


172  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Lost  papers  in  the  Spectator  because  the  poem  was  even 
then  sufficiently  well  known  to  arouse  further  interest  among 
the  readers  of  the  periodical.  At  the  outset  Addison  as- 
sumes for  Milton  "  the  first  place  among  our  English  poets." 
Though  criticising  him  partly  according  to  classic  standards 
by  comparing  him  with  Homer  and  Vergil,  like  Dennis,  Ad- 
dison emphasizes  the  necessity  of  passion,  and  glorifies  Mil- 
ton as  the  one  who  has  made  the  miraculous  possible  in  the 
modern  world. 

If  we  are  to  try  to  analyze  the  spell  that  made  the  earlier 
half  of  the  eighteenth  century  go  Milton-mad,  over  Para- 
dise Lost,  and  the  second  half  of  the  century  equally  mad 
over  Milton's  minor  poems,  we  must  look  at  these  works  as 
a  vindication  of  imagination  over  reason  as  the  creative  and 
motive  force  in  poetry.  This  was  part  of  Milton's  legacy 
from  Boehme,  the  one  great  mystic  whom  he  knew ;  through 
Milton  this  legacy  was  passed  on  to  those  who  followed  in 
his  footsteps. 

The  connection  between  mysticism  and  romanticism 
should  not  be  difficult  to  find.  The  fresh  current — loosely 
called  romanticism — that  swept  through  the  literature  of 
Europe  during  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  gives 
us  a  term  that  must  be  interpreted  with  extreme  care.  We 
must  find  some  central  thought,  some  common  point  of  de- 
parture, for  the  tendencies  we  meet,  tendencies  so  distinct, 
so  conflicting,  yet  in  the  end  often  so  closely  connected, 
as  the  reawakening  of  religion  and  the  revival  of  humor; 
the  return  toward  the  medieval  past,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  return  toward  the  ideals  of  Greek  poetry  and  the  sim- 
plicity of  Greek  imagination ;  the  renewed  love  of  external 
nature  and  the  growing  sense  of  a  living  bond  between  it 
and  man,  and  the  craving  for  the  unrelated,  the  remote,  and 
the  supernatural ;  the  cry  for  free  development  and  dominion 


ROMANTICISM  173 

of  the  individual,  and  the  cry  of  emotion  and  of  a  "  return 
to  nature."  Starting  from  the  bare  reaction  against  the 
purely  intellectual  outlook  of  the  Augustan  age,  the  germ 
of  the  whole  movement  is  to  be  found  in  the  revolt  of  the 
emotions  against  the  tyranny  of  the  intellect.  This  is  also 
the  attitude  of  the  mystic  with  his  demand  for  individual 
freedom  of  utterance  and  of  experience  based  on  the  emo- 
tional, the  inner,  rather  than  the  "  common  sense  "  life.  In 
the  writings  of  many  of  the  romanticists  of  England,  France, 
and  Germany  there  is  a  strong  vein  of  mysticism,  of  the 
feeling  of  the  indissoluble  unity  of  life,  of  the  alikeness  in 
all  things,  and  many  of  these  men  were,  like  Milton,  in  some 
way  influenced  by  Boehme. 

The  strong  reaction  against  the  intellectual  view  of  poetry, 
a  reaction  which  caused  the  pendulum  to  swing  too  far  in 
the  direction  of  emotion,  was  first  expressed  in  England  in 
the  works  of  Thomson  and  Young.  Both  these  men  were, 
in  their  way  of  imagining  and  in  their  emphasis  of  the 
imagination,  under  the  influence  of  the  great  pioneer  Milton. 
To  Paradise  Lost  was  due,  to  an  extent  not  yet  fully  real- 
ized, the  change  which  came  over  European  ideas  in  the 
eighteenth  century  with  regard  to  the  nature  and  scope  of 
epic  poetry.  That  work  was  the  mainstay  of  those  ad- 
venturous critics  who  dared  to  maintain,  in  the  face  of 
French  classicism,  the  supreme  rights  of  creative  imagina- 
tion over  reason.  Milton's  influence  on  the  German  litera- 
ture of  the  eighteenth  century  was  hardly  inferior  to  Shak- 
spere's;  Milton's  name  was  a  by-word  in  the  controversy 
that  brought  about  the  first  great  progress  of  German 
poetry.  He  cast  an  equally  strong  spell  over  the  pioneers 
of  French  romanticism,  particularly  in  the  first  thirty  years 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  moulding  those  who  prepared 
the  French  mind  for  romanticism. 


174  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

From  the  Middle  Ages  down  to  the  beginnings  of  the 
romantic  school  in  Germany  the  classic  inheritance  of  the 
epic  spirit  survived.  To  Milton  as  to  other  poets  came  the 
conscious  desire  to  produce  a  national  epic.  But  the  seven- 
teenth century  was  no  time  for  the  production  of  an  epic. 
The  powerful  opposition  of  church  and  state  in  their  con- 
scious struggles  for  supremacy  produced  an  atmosphere  far 
removed  from  the  simplicity  and  immediacy  of  feel- 
ing in  which  epic  poetry  arises.  Milton's  was  the  first  and 
greatest  of  many  such  attempts  in  England,  France,  and 
Germany,  but  the  time  of  the  true  epic  had  passed.  Milton, 
however,  was  the  poet  who  solved  the  epic  problem  as  well 
as  it  could  be  solved  and  that  was  along  romantic  lines.  The 
interest  in  the  childhood  of  the  race  is  not  classic.  The  be- 
lief that  the  primitive  conditions  of  the  race  as  depicted  in 
the  Greek  and  Roman  heroes  were  better  than  existing 
conditions  is  a  result  of  the  romantic  spirit.  The  discovery 
of  new  countries  and  new  peoples  had  wrought  mightily 
in  the  hearts  of  nations  wearied  with  culture  and  worn  with 
life ;  these  nations  wanted  to  find  the  original  primitive  hu- 
man race,  that  from  it  they  might  gain  a  new  lease  on  life. 
Paradise  Lost  is  part  of  this  romantic  longing  for  the  origi- 
nal, the  real  man,  unspoiled  by  court  and  king.  This  desire 
to  return  to  the  ideal  conditions  of  the  early  life  of  mankind 
is  one  of  the  fundamental  causes  of  the  Utopian  literature 
prevalent  at  this  time,  and  one  of  the  secrets  of  its  great 
popularity.  Paradise  Lost  pictures  Utopia,  in  a  certain 
sense ;  not  the  ideal  society  to  which  man  is  progressing,  it 
is  true,  but  the  ideal  state  from  which  he  came  and  which  he 
has  the  power  to  revive  within  himself  if  he  but  will.  The 
belief  of  Milton's  time  in  the  expected  millennium  had  kept 
the  idea  of  paradise  ever  before  men's  minds,  until  regain- 


ROMANTICISM  175 

ing  paradise  was  the  most  natural  thought  in  the  world  to 
them. 

It  would  be  both  interesting  and  instructive  if  we  might 
at  this  point  compare  Boehme's  influence  at  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  upon  the  romantic  school  in  Germany 
with  his  influence  upon  the  English  mind  and  character 
from  the  time  of  Milton  through  the  period  of  English 
romanticism.  We  should  have  to  compare  Goethe,  Jung- 
Stilling,  Tieck,  Novalis,  Fouque,  Jean  Paul,  the  Schlegels, 
Schopenhauer,  Hegel,  Schelling,  Franz  von  Baader,  with 
Milton,  William  Law  and  his  follower  John  Byrom,  Words- 
worth, Coleridge,  William  Blake,  Carlyle.  Coleridge  and 
Blake,  men  of  sympathetic  minds,  with  similar  philosophies 
of  life,  who  might  have  been  close  friends  if  they  had  en- 
joyed more  than  their  one  chance  meeting,1  both  express 
their  allegiance  to  Boehme.  Wordsworth,  whose  mysticism 
is  the  Neoplatonism  of  Henry  More,  may  have  gained  his 
interest  in  Boehme  as  well  as  some  knowledge  of  him 
through  More.  Carlyle,  deeply  mystical  by  nature  and  edu- 
cation, had  his  Boehmenism  at  second  hand  from  Thomas 
Erskine  of  Linlathen.2 

In  such  a  comparison  we  should  note  that  the  reawakening 
of  the  religious  impulse,  the  deepening  of  the  religious  feel- 
ing in  an  attempt  to  make  Christianity  subjective,  was  closely 
connected,  in  Germany  and  England  alike,  with  the  rise  of 
romanticism.  The  religious  revival  had  shown  itself  in 
the  general  life  of  Europe,  and  most  markedly  in  England, 
before  it  went  into  literature.  Pietism  in  Germany  and  the 
evangelical  movement  in  England  helped  greatly  to  prepare 
the  ground  for  the  reception  of  the  new  spirit  in  poetry, 
while  the  earlier  English  religious  movement  of  the  seven- 

1  Notes  and  Queries,  roth  series,  V,  pp.  89,  135. 

*  C.  F.  E.  Spurgeon :  Mysticism  in  English  Literature,  p.  28. 


176  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

teenth  century  had  laid  the  great  foundation  of  the  new 
spirit.  The  deep-seated  purpose  of  those  English  sects  to 
break  down  the  slavery  of  superficial  fashions  and  cramp- 
ing customs  and  to  restore  individual  responsibility,  spiritual 
initiative,  and  personal  autonomy  reminds  one  strongly  of 
the  work  of  the  Storm  and  Stress  period  in  Germany.  Man 
himself,  his  inherited  divine  rights,  and  his  eternal  destiny 
were  put  in  place  of  sacred  and  time-honored  systems. 
Among  the  Quakers,  however,  as  often  with  other  mystics, 
the  ascetic  impulse,  which  a  dualistic  theory  has  usually 
aroused  in  the  minds  of  those  who  take  religion  seriously, 
tended  to  the  esthetic  and  intellectual  poverty  that  we  find 
in  place  of  the  wealth  of  poetry  that  we  should  expect. 

In  addition  to  this  reawakening  of  the  religious  impulse 
in  close  connection  with  romanticism,  we  should  note  further 
a  changed  attitude,  especially  on  the  part  of  poets  and  phil- 
osophers, toward  mythology.  The  need  felt  by  the  Ger- 
man romanticists  for  a  new,  Christian  mythology,  as  op- 
posed to  the  old,  classical  mythology,  had  been  supplied,  in 
a  great  measure,  by  Boehme.  In  his  poetic  treatment  of 
natural  laws  and  phenomena,  in  his  symbolic  and  allegorical 
interpretation  of  Christianity,  Boehme  had  anticipated  the 
scientific  discoveries  of  modern  times,  and  had  prescribed 
the  course  for  natural  science  in  its  peculiar  task  of  helping 
to  create  the  new  mythology.1  In  the  English-speaking 
world,  the  Christian  mythology  of  the  eighteenth  and  nine- 
teenth centuries  came  from  the  study  of  Milton,  rather  than 
from  the  study  of  the  Bible.  "  Milton  framed  for  himself 
not  only  a  system  of  divinity  but  a  system  of  mythology 
also,"  2  and  that  has  become  the  inheritance  of  our  time. 
As  Huxley  says,  "  It  is  not  the  cosmogony  of  Genesis,  but 

1  Walzel :  Deutsche  Rotnantik,  pp.  47-49. 

*  Robert  Southey  in  London  Quarterly  Review,  XXXVI,  pp.  54-55- 


ROMANTICISM  177 

the  cosmogony  of  Milton  that  has  enthralled  the  world." 1 
What  Boehme  did  for  the  romanticists  of  Germany  in  this 
respect,  Milton  has  done  for  the  English-speaking  peoples. 

Marked  features  of  the  mystical  thinking  characteristic 
of  the  German  romantic  school  are  its  impulsive  radicalism 
and  its  prophetic  tone.  Milton  is  decidedly  radical  in  his 
views  on  domestic  and  political  freedom,  and  his  utterances 
are  prophetic  as  well.  Fundamental  to  romanticism  and 
particularly  clearly  expressed  by  Novalis  is  the  conception 
of  poet  and  philosopher  combined  to  a  higher  unity,  a  type 
of  absolute  spiritual  and  intellectual  leadership.  Such  a 
leader  Milton  became  to  his  people  in  their  struggles  for 
freedom,  just  as  later,  during  the  period  of  liberation,  in 
Germany  poets  like  Korner  and  Schenkendorf  entered  the 
army.  Milton,  in  fact,  represents  an  entirely  changed  atti- 
tude toward  the  poet  in  England.  From  the  mere  enter- 
tainer, however  welcome,  of  man's  leisure  hours,  dependent 
upon  the  favor  of  princes,  the  poet  rose  to  the  high  plane 
of  instructor  and  uplifter  of  mankind,  the  friend  and  ad- 
viser of  statesmen.  Though  his  own  ideals  of  a  poet  were 
very  high,  demanding  even  that  the  whole  life  of  a  poet 
should  be  a  true  and  noble  poem,  the  condition  and  spirit 
of  his  time  rather  than  his  own  theory  forced  Milton,  as  a 
friend  of  statesmen  and  an  officer  of  the  Commonwealth, 
to  play  his  serious  and  important  role  in  the  birth  of  free- 
dom. 

With  the  awakening  of  the  love  for  external  nature — the 
recognition  of  the  bond  between  man  and  his  environment — 
comes  the  lyric  note  of  the  romanticist  with  its  longing,  its 
melancholy,  its  love  of  nature  and  of  music.  It  is  a  remark- 
able coincidence  that  melancholy,  which  plays  such  a  role 
in  music-loving  Milton,  should  again  play  a  great  role 

'Quoted  in  Cambridge  History  of  Literature,  VIII,  p.  403. 


178  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEIIME 

among  the  early  English  romanticists.  This  is  not  charac- 
teristic of  //  Penseroso  alone,  for  the  spirit  of  melancholy, 
which  even  Henry  More  associated  with  creative  imagina- 
tion, the  longing  for  paradise,  for  the  unattainable,  is  a  dis- 
tinctive tone  in  Paradise  Lost.  The  beginnings  of  the  his- 
torical feeling  may  also  be  sought  in  Milton;  he  speaks  of 
Spenser  as  his  forerunner.  None  of  the  preceding  English 
poets  had  this  historical  sense ;  Shakspere  does  not  speak  of 
his  forerunners. 

The  renewed  interest  in  Boehme  on  the  part  of  the  writers 
of  the  German  romantic  school  was  not  really  a  rediscovery 
of  the  Teutonic  philosopher,  for  from  the  time  of  his  death 
Boehme  had  admirers,  in  Germany  as  in  England,  who 
spread  his  writings  and  teachings,  until  they  came  to  Tieck 
and  Novalis  and  others  eminently  fitted  to  appropriate  and 
assimilate  them.  In  his  entire  thought-content  Boehme  be- 
longs to  the  romanticists.  His  whole  conception  of  the 
world  is  imaginative ;  he  compares  the  creation  of  the  uni- 
verse by  God  to  the  creative  power  of  thought  in  man.  His 
emphasis  is  ever  upon  the  feelings,  the  inward  subjective 
viewpoint.  No  English  translation  has  been  able  to  repro- 
duce the  picturesqueness  of  his  language  and  figures.  He 
is  frankly  simple  and  childlike;  many  of  his  similes  are 
taken  from  his  observation  of  children.  His  angels  are  like 
little  children,  "  when  they  go  in  May  to  gather  flowers ; 
then  they  often  meet  together,  then  they  talk  and  confer 
friendly,  and  pluck  or  gather  many  several  sorts  of  flowers. 
Now  when  this  is  done  they  carry  those  flowers  in  their 
hands,  and  begin  a  sportful  dance,  and  sing  for  the  joy  of 
their  heart  rejoicing !  Thus  also  do  the  angels  in  heaven."  * 

One  of  the  important  aspects  of  the  romantic  movement 
lies  in  its  attention  to  the  history  and  further  development 

1  Aurora,  chap,  xii,  pp.  83-85. 


ROMANTICISM  179 

of  the  conception  of  genius.  Though  the  belief  in  genius 
was  transmitted  from  antiquity  through  the  schools,  the  idea 
of  a  God-inspired  man  as  a  creator  vying  with  God  or  carry- 
ing on  the  work  of  God  dates  back  only  to  Boehme  and  to 
Milton.  That  there  was  in  Boehme  a  Titanic,  Promethean 
element,  an  element  that  later  culminated  in  Goethe's 
Prometheus,  was  felt  instinctively  by  some  of  the  phil- 
osopher's orthodox  opponents.  Thus  Croese,  author  of  a 
history  of  the  Quakers,  discussing  the  influence  which 
Boehme  had  upon  this  sect,  says  of  his  teaching  that  "  it  is 
truly  no  Christian  theology,  but  a  storming  of  heaven  and  a 
war  of  wild,  inhuman,  and  frightful  giants  against  the 
gods." *  How  strongly  Boehme  emphasized  this  creative 
activity  of  man  is  shown  in  the  following  quotation :  "  Now 
every  man  is  a  creator  of  his  works,  powers,  and  doings ;  that 
which  he  makes  and  frames  out  of  his  free-will,  the  same 
is  received  as  a  work  of  the  manifested  Word  into  each 
property's  likeness.  .  .  .  The  free-will  is  the  creator  or 
maker,  whereby  the  creature  makes,  forms,  and  works."  2 
This  insistence  upon  the  creative  activity  of  man  as  poet 
grows  into  the  romantic  conception  of  genius  which  has 
always  brought  liberating  power  into  the  classic  rules 
and  traditions.  To  follow  the  history  of  the  exten- 
sive discussion  of  the  conception  of  genius  in  English 
literature  from  Dennis  to  Young  will  some  day  form  an 
interesting  chapter  in  the  history  of  romanticism.  If,  after 
all,  the  romantic  impulse  did  not  gain  such  impetus  in  Eng- 
land as  it  did  during  the  Storm  and  Stress  period  in  Ger- 
many, the  reason  lies  no  doubt  with  English  conditions  and 
character.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  however,  that  in  the 
discussions  of  Dennis  and  Addison,  and  afterwards  of 

1  Gerhard  Croese :  Quaker-Historic,  Berlin,  1696,  p.  749. 
1  Myst.  Magn.,  chap,  xxii,  pp.  22-23. 


180  MILTON  AND  JAKOB  BOEHME 

Young,  the  chief  champions  of  genius,  Milton  is  repeatedly 
mentioned  next  to  Shakspere  as  the  type  of  modern  genius. 
Yet  Milton,  in  spite  of  his  insistence  upon  the  "  inner  light," 
his  belief  in  genius  and  inspiration,  was  hardly  a  "  naive  " 
poet  in  Schiller's  sense  of  the  word.  Milton's  angels  are 
not  little  children  like  Boehme's ;  his  representative  of  man 
in  the  state  of  original  innocence  is  an  Adam  who  preaches 
learnedly  to  his  audience  of  one.  Nevertheless  Milton  is  as 
much  a  romanticist  as  he  is  a  classicist ;  it  is  not  his  purpose 
to  imitate  nature,  but  to  give  form  to  his  own  feelings,  to 
the  visions  afforded  by  the  light  within. 

Closely  related  to  this  conception  of  genius  is  the  romantic 
idea  of  nature  as  revealed  in  the  poetry  of  primitive  na- 
tions. The  carrying  out  of  this  idea  led  to  the  discovery 
that  this  genius  must  be  national  in  character,  and  that  this 
again  is  best  revealed  in  the  oldest  national  poetry.  Milton's 
theme,  the  original  state  of  mankind,  directly  anticipates 
the  later  interest  of  Addison  and  the  early  romanticists  in 
primitive  peoples  and  their  songs  and  in  the  old  Eng- 
lish ballads.  Utopia,  paradise,  the  people,  genius,  romanti- 
cism— all  of  these  conceptions  are  closely  interwoven,  and 
must  have  an  important  place  in  the  interpretation  of  both 
Boehme  and  Milton. 

The  living  stream  of  thought  and  life  which,  since  the 
time  of  the  reformation,  had  poured  from  Germany  into 
England,  had  produced  there  the  sixteenth-century  separa- 
tistic  attempts  at  church  reform,  and  then,  during  the  sev- 
enteenth century,  increased  by  the  spring  of  Boehme's 
genius,  had  worked  so  powerfully  in  the  founding  of  sects 
and  the  development  of  the  worth  of  freedom,  turned  back 
as  a  tide  to  Germany,  and  in  the  esthetic  discussions  of  the 
Swiss  critics  centering  around  Milton  and  his  genius,  pro- 
duced a  Klopstock  and  the  German  Messias.  The  same 


ROMANTICISM  181 

stream  carried  the  discovery  of  enraptured  genius,  the  em- 
bodiment of  creative  power,  from  Young  to  Hamann  and 
Herder,  through  whom  it  became  a  rushing  cataract  re- 
sounding with  the  praise  of  the  creative  power  and  the  en- 
thusiastic rapture  of  genius  in  the  Storm  and  Stress  period. 
Like  an  ocean  it  swept  along,  carrying  the  discovery  of  the 
folksong,  of  the  people,  of  the  human  heart,  into  the  Ger- 
man romantic  school,  where,  ripened  and  refined,  the  hu- 
manism of  Neoplatonism  in  the  teachings  of  Jakob  Boehme 
was  again  prepared  to  start  on  its  life-giving  mission  into 
the  world. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

JOHN  MILTON 

Poetical  Works.    Ed.  Masson.    London,  1907. 

Prose  Works.    Bohn  Libraries.     [Edition  quoted  in  text.] 
Miscellanies.    3  vojs.    London,  1909. 
Christian  Doctrine.     2  vols.     London,  1904. 

Original  Letters  and  Papers  of  State,  addressed  to  Oliver  Cromwell. 
Found  among  the  Political  Collections  of  Mr.  John  Milton. 
London,  1743. 

Liebert,  Gustav :  Milton.  Studien  zur  Geschichte  des  englischen 
Geistes.  Hamburg,  1860. 

Masson,  David :  Life  of  Milton.  6  vols.  Cambridge,  1859-80.  In- 
dex vol.  1894. 

Osgood,  C.  G. :  The  Classical  Mythology  of  Milton's  English 
Poems.  New  York,  1900. 

Pauli,  Reinhold :  Auf  satze  zur  englischen  Geschichte.  Leipzig,  1883. 
Milton,  pp.  348-92. 

Stern,  Alfred :  Milton  und  seine  Zeit.    2  vols.    Leipzig,  1879. 

Todd,  H.  J. :  Some  Account  of  the  Life  and  Writings  of  John 
Milton.  London,  1826. 

Toland,  John:  Life  of  Milton,  with  Amynto,  or  a  defense  of  Mil- 
ton's life.  London,  1699.  Reprinted  1761. 

Treitschke,    Heinrich    von:    Historische   und    Politische    Aufsatze. 

Leipzig,  1871.     Milton,  Vol.  I,  pp.  1-54. 
(For  extensive   Milton  bibliography,   see   Cambridge  History  of 

English  Literature,  Vol.  VII.) 

JAKOB   BOEHME 

I.    LIST  OF  JAKOB  BOEHME'S  WORKS  IN  THE  ORDER  IN  WHICH  HE 
WROTE  THEM 

1612.  (i)  The  Aurora  [unfinished].  With  notes  added  by  his  own 
hand  in  1620. 

1619.  (2)  The  Three  Principles  of  the  Divine  Essence.     With  an 

Appendix  concerning  the  Threefold  Life  of  Man. 

1620.  (3)  The  Threefold  Life  of  Man. 

(4)  Answers  to  Forty  Questions  concerning  the  Soul,  pro- 
posed by  Dr.  Ralthasar  Walter.     With  an  Appendix  Con- 
cerning the  Soul  and  its  Image,  and  of  the  Turba. 
183 


184  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(5)  The  Treatise  of  the  Incarnation ;  in  three  parts,    (i)  Of 
the   Incarnation   of   Jesus   Christ,      (ii)  Of   the   Suffering, 
Dying,  Death,  and  Resurrection  of  Christ,     (iii)   Of  the 
Tree  of  Faith. 

(6)  A  Book  of  the  Great  Six  Points.    Also  a  small  book  of 
other  Six  Points. 

(7)  Of  the  Earthly  and  of  the  Heavenly  Mystery. 

(8)  Of  the  Last  Times.     (2  Epistles  to  P[aul]  K[eym],  in- 
cluded in  (32)!.) 

1621.  (9)  De  Signatura  Rerum. 

(10)  Of  the  Four  Complexions. 

(n)  Two    Apologies    to    Balthasar    Tylcken;    (i)    for    the 

Aurora,   (ii)  for  Predestination  and  the  Incarnation. 
(12)  Considerations  upon   Esaiah   Stiefel's  Book  concerning 

the  Threefold  State  of  Man,  and  the  New  Birth. 

1622.  (13)  A  Book  of  True  Repentance. 

(14)  A  Book  of  True  Resignation. 

(15)  A  Book  of  Regeneration. 

(16)  An   Apology  in   answer   to    Esaiah    Stiefel   concerning 
Perfection. 

1623.  (17)  A  Book  of  Predestination  and  Election. 
_(i8)  A  Short  Compendium  of  Repentance. 

(19)  Mysterium  Magnum. 

(20)  A  Table  of  the  Divine  Manifestation,  or  an  Exposition 
of  the  Threefold  World. 

1624.  (21)  The  Supersensual  Life. 

(22)  Of  Divine  Contemplation  or  Vision  [unfinished]. 

(23)  Of  Christ's  Testaments,  viz.:  Baptism  and  the  Supper. 

(24)  A  Dialogue  between  an  enlightened  and  an  unenlightened 
Soul  (or  the  Discourse  of  Illumination). 

(25)  An  Apology  in  answer  to  Gregory  Richter  [i.e.,  for  the 
Books  of  True  Repentance  and  True  Resignation]. 

(26)  177  Theosophic  Questions,  with  answers  to  13  of  them 
[unfinished]. 

(27)  An  Epitome  of  the  Mysterium  Magnum. 

(28)  The  Holyweek  or  a  Prayer  Book  [unfinished]. 

(29)  A  Table  of  the  Three  Principles. 

(30)  A  Book  of  the  Last  Judgment   [lost]. 

(31)  The  Clavis. 

1618-1624.  (32)  62  Theosophic  Epistles,  (i)  35  Epistles,  (ii)  25 
Epistles,  (iii)  2  other  Epistles  [7&2O  in  Ger.  ed.],  one 
prefixed  to  Supersensual  Life  (21),  the  other  as  Preface  to 
Second  Apology  to  B.  Tylcken. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  185 

II.   ENGLISH  TRANSLATIONS 

1645.   Two    Theosophical    Epistles  .  .  .  Dialogue    between    an    En- 
lightened   and    a    Distressed    Soul  .  .  .  Epistles    i  &  10    of 
(32)  i  and  (24). 
The  Tree  of  Christian  Faith  .  .  .  (s)iii. 

1647.  XL   Questions   concerning  the    Soule.     Propounded   by   Dr. 

Balthasar  Walter.    Answered  by  Jacob  Behmen  .   .   .   [Re- 
issue slightly  altered  1665].     Sparrow.  (4). 
The   Clavis  or   Key,  or,  An   Exposition   of  some  principall 
Matters  and  words  in  the  writings  of  Jacob  Behmen  .   .   . 
Sparrow.     (31). 

1648.  The  Second  Booke.    Concerning  the  Three  Principles  of  the 

Divine  Essence  .  .  .  [With  Appendix  or  ...  Description 
of  the  Threefold  Life  of  Man.  Tr.  and  preface  by  Spar- 
row]. (2). 

The  Way  to  Christ  Discovered  ....  Blunden.  Reprinted 
1654-  (i3),  (i4),  (15),  Epistle  i  of  (32)iii,  (21),  (24), 
(18),  Chapter  XV  of  (3)  and  Epistle  32  of  (32).  Re- 
printed Bath,  1775,  with  addition  of  (10). 

1649.  The  Fourth  Epistle.     A  Letter  to  Paul  Keym  .  .  .  concern- 

ing  our   Last   Times  .  .  .  The    Fifth    Epistle  ...  to    Paul 
Keym  .  .  .  Sparrow.    Epistles  4&5  in  (32). 
The  Epistles  of  Jacob  Behmen.     Ellistone.     (32)1. 

1650.  The  High  Deep  Searching  out  of  the  Threefold  Life  of  Man 

through  the  Three  Principles  .  .  .  Sparrow.     (3). 

1651.  Signatura  Rerum  .  .  .  Ellistone.     (9). 

1652.  Of  Christ's  Testaments,  viz. :  Baptisme  and  the  Supper  .   .   . 

Sparrow.     (23). 

1653.  A  Consideration  upon  the  Book  of  Esaias  Stiefel  .  .  .  (12). 

1654.  Mysterium  Magnum,  or  An  Exposition  of  the  first  book  of 

Moses  .  .  .  Ellistone  and  Sparrow.     (19)  &  (27). 

The  Tree  of  Christian  Faith  .  .  .  (s)iii. 

Four  Tables  of  Divine  Revelation  .  .  .  Blunden.    (20)  i&  (29). 

A  Consolatory  Treatise  of  the  Four  Complexions  .  .  .  Tr. 
and  preface  by  C.  Hotham.  (10).  Also  1730  [?],  with  dif- 
ferent tr.  but  same  preface. 

1655.  Jacob  Behme's  Table  of  the  Divine  Manifestation,  or  An  Ex- 

position of  the  Threefold  World. 
Concerning  the  Election  of  Grace  .  .  .  Sparrow.     (17). 

1656.  Aurora.     That  is  the  Day-spring  .  .  .  Tr.  and  pref.  by  Spar- 

row,   (i). 

1659.   The  Fifth  Book  of  the  Authour,  on  Incarnation  .  .  .  Tr.  and 
pref.  by  Sparrow.     (5). 


i86  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1661.  Several  Treatises  of  Jacob  Behme  .  .  .  Sparrow.     (6),  (26), 

(7),  (28),  (22),  (29),  letter  6  of  (32)1  re-translated. 

1662.  The  Remainder  of  books  written  by  Jacob  Behme  .  .  .  Spar- 

row.    (32)iii,  (11),  (10),  (12),  (16),  (25),  (32)11. 
1752.    The  Way  to  Christ  discovered  .    .    .   Manchester.     [Byrom's 

reprint  of  Blunden's  1648  ed.]. 
1775-    The  Way  to  Christ   .    .    .   The  Four  Complexions.     [With 

preface  and  a  different  tr.  from  Blunden's  1648  &  1654]. 

III.   COLLECTED  EDITIONS 
English: 

The  Works  of  Jacob  Behmen,  the  Teutonic  Philosopher,  with 
figures  illustrating  his  principles,  left  by  the  Reverend  William 
Law,  M.A.,  1764-1781,  four  volumes  (Vol.  Ill,  1/72;  Vol.  IV,  1781). 
Vol.  I  contains  "  Dialogue  between  Zelotes,  Alphabetus,  Rusticus 
and  Theophilus,"  undoubtedly  by  Law.  There  is  no  complete  Eng- 
lish edition  of  Boehme's  works,  although  the  various  translations 
published  between  1644  and  1663  include  all  of  the  works.  This 
edition,  generally  called  "  Law's  edition,"  contains  only  17  of  the  32 
treatises:  In  Vol.  I,  Life,  (i),  (2);  Vol.  II,  (3),  (4),  (5),  (31); 
Vol.  Ill,  (19),  (20);  Vol.  IV,  (9),  (17),  (13),  (14),  05),  (21), 
(24),  (10),  (23).  The  edition  was  published  by  Law's  friends, 
George  Ward  and  Thomas  Langcake,  after  Law's  death,  at  the  cost 
of  Mrs.  Hutcheson.  It  was  reprinted  in  the  main  from  the  early 
texts. 

A  complete  reprint  of  Boehme's  works  in  English  has  been  begun 
by  C.  J.  Barker,  London.    Already  have  appeared : 
Threefold  Life,  1909. 
Three  Principles,  1910. 
Forty  Questions  and  the  Clavis,  1911. 

German: 

[Only  one  small  volume  of  Boehme's  works,  Der  Weg  zu 
Christo,  was  published  during  his  lifetime.  His  MSS.  went  to 
Holland,  and  were  printed  one  at  a  time  at  Amsterdam  by  Heinrich 
Beets,  a  Dutch  merchant,  between  1633  and  1676.  Three  treatises, 
Christ's  Testaments,  Book  of  Prayer,  177  Theosophic  Questions, 
were  also  printed  at  Dresden,  1641-1642.  The  first  collected  edition 
was  by  J.  G.  Gichtel,  Amsterdam,  1682.] 

Des  Gottseeligen  Hoch  Erleuchteten  Jacob  Bohmens  Teutonic! 
Philosophi  Alle  Theosophische  Wercken.  Gichtel.  Amster- 
dam, 1682  &  1715. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  187 

Theosophische  Revelata.    Das  ist:     Alle  gottliche  Schriften  .   .  .  J. 

Bohmens  .  .  .  mit  Gichtels  Summarien  ausgezieret.    7  vols. 

Amsterdam,  1730-31.    (Best  and  fullest  edition  of  Boehme.) 
Jakob    Bohmes    Sammtliche   Werke.     K.    W.    Schiebler.     7   vols. 

Leipzig.     1831-46  &  1860. 

IV.  BIOGRAPHICAL  AND  CRITICAL 

The  Life  of  one  Jacob  Boehmen:  Who  although  he  were  a  Very 
Meane  man,  yet  wrote  the  most  Wonderfull  deepe  Knowl- 
edge in   Naturall  and  Divine  Things  that  any  hath  been 
known  to  doe  since  the  Apostles  Times.    London,  1644. 
[The  earliest  and  best  life  of  B.  is  that  written  by  his  friend 
Abraham  von  Frankenberg,   (in  Latin)  in  1637,  in  the  printed  edi- 
tions always  dated   1651.     It  reached   Amsterdam  and  was  trans- 
lated into  German  about  1638  and  was  probably  circulated  in  MS. 
It  is  printed   in  many  editions  of  B.'s  works,   such   as  the  Forty 
Questions  published  1665  in  London,  or  the  German  1682  Amster- 
dam edition,  and  it  forms  the  basis  of  all  the  other  lives,  such  as 
this  earliest  English  one,  or  that  in  "  Law's  edition."] 
Abdolonymus:  Antwort  auf  die  177  Theosophische  Fragen.     Leip- 
zig, 1785- 
Adolarius,     L. :     Schatzkastlein     aus     Jakob     Bohmes     Schriften. 

Weimar,  1855. 

Allen,  G.  W. :  A  Master  Mystic.     An  Introduction  to  the  teachings 
of  Jacob  Boehme,  in  the  Theosophical  Review  1904-5,  Vol. 
XXXV,  pp.  202,  321,  420,  and  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  160. 
A  Series  of  Excerpts  from  Boehme  with  comments,  in  the  Seeker 
(ed.   Allen,  G.  W.),  Nov.,   1906;   Aug.,   Nov.,  1907;   May, 
Aug.,  Nov.,  1908 ;  Feb.,  May,  Aug.,  Nov.,  1909. 
Anderdon,  John :  One  Blow  at  Babel  in  those  of  the  People  called 

Behmenites.    London,  1662. 

Bastian,  Albert :  Der  Gottesbegriff  bei  Jakob  Bohme.    Kiel.     1905. 
Baur,  Christ.  Ferd. :  Zur  Geschichte  der  protestantischen  Mystik,  in 

Theologisches  Jahrbuch,  1848-49. 

Bax,  Clifford:   Signature  of  all  things;  with  other  writings.     In- 
troduction by  Bax.    London,  1912. 
Bleek,  F. :  Jakob  Bohme  von  Zank  und  Streit  der  Gelehrten  .  .  . 

befreit  .  .  .  Berlin,  1823. 

Boutroux,  E. :  Le  Philosophe  allemand  Jacob  Boehme.     Paris,  1888. 
Brockhaus:  Konversations-Lexicon.    Leipzig.    New  ed.,  1901.    Arti- 
cle on  Boehme. 

Bromley,  Thomas:  The  Way  to  the  Sabbath  of  Rest,  or  the  soul's 
progress  in  the  work  of  the  new  birth.  London,  1655.  Re- 
printed 1692,  1710. 


i88  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Calo,  J.  A. :  De  Vita  Jacobi  Bohmii.    Vitemberg,  1707. 

Calovius,  D.  A. :  Anti-Bdhmius.    2nd  ed.     Leipzig,  1690. 

Classen,  J. :  Jakob  Bohme.     Sein  Leben  und  seine  theosophischen 

Werke.    3  vols.    Stuttgart,  1883-86. 
Der    Jakob    Boehme    epitomiert    oder    Seraphinische    Blumengart- 

lein.    Amsterdam,  1700. 

Deussen,   Paul :  Jakob  Bohme.     Uber  sein   Leben  und  seine   Phi- 
losophic.    Leipzig,  191 1. 
Die  letzte  Posaune  an  alle  Volker  oder  Prophezeyungen  des  Jakob 

Bohmens.    Berlin,  1779. 
E[ccles],  F. :  Christian  Information  .   .    .  prophetical  Passages  out 

of  Jacob  Behme's  Works.    London,  1664. 

Epistles,  The,  reprinted  with  introduction  by  a  Graduate  of  Glas- 
gow University.     Glasgow,  1886. 
Fechner,  H.  A.:  Jakob  Bohme,  sein  Leben  und  seine  Schriften.     In 

Neues    Lausitzcr    Magazin,    Vol.    XXXIII,    pp.    313-446. 

Gorlitz,  1857. 
Francisci,  E. :  Dess,  in  der  Person  eines  falschgenannten  Matthaei 

vereinigten,    Spott-und-Laster-Pfeile    .     .     .     Orthodoxiae 

Bomianae  .  .  .  auf  die  Schau  gelegt  .   .   .  1692. 
Freher,  Dionysius  Andreas:  Of  the  analogy  in  the  process  of  the 

philosophical  work  to  the  redemption  of  man,  through  Jesus 

Christ,  according  to   the   writings   of   Jacob   Behmen.     In 

Lives  of  Alchemistical  Philosophers,  pp.   121   ff.     London, 

1815. 
Fry,  J.  M. :  Tauler  and  Boehme.     In  Some  Papers  and  Addresses. 

Birmingham,  1900. 
Fuchs :  Beitrage  zu  einer  richtigen  Wurdigung  Jakob  Bohmes  in 

Beweis  des  Glaubens.    In  Neues  Lausitzer  Magazin,  Vol. 

XXXIII. 
Hamberger,  Julius:   Die  Lehre  des  deutschen   Philosophen,  Jakob 

Bohme.    Munich,  1844. 
Harless,  G.  C.  A.  von:  Jakob  Bohme  und  die  Alchemisten.    Berlin, 

1870. 
Hartley,  Thomas:  Paradise  Restored  ...  A  Short  Defence  of  the 

Mystical  Writers.    London,  1764. 
Hartmann,  Franz:  Life  and  Doctrines  of  Jacob  Boehmen.    London, 

1891. 
Hauck-Herzog :  Realencylopadie  fur  protestantische  Theologie  und 

Kirche.    Leipzig,  1906. 
Herwech,  G. :  Tractatius  quo  atheismum  fanaticismi  sivi  Bomii  .  .  . 

eruit.    Lipsiae  at  Wisniariae.     1709. 
Historia  Jakob  Bohmens  .   .   .  Hamburg,  1698. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  189 

Holland,  Bernhard :  Dialogues  on  the  Supersensual  Life.  [Ed.  by 
Holland.]  London,  1901. 

Hotham,  Charles:  Ad  Philosophiam  Teutonicam  Manductio.  Lon- 
don, 1648.  Tr.  under  title  Introduction  to  the  Teutonick 
Philosophy  by  D.  F.  [i.e.,  Durand  Prater,  Durand  Hotham]. 
London,  1650. 

Hotham,  Durand :  Life  of  Jacob  Behmen.    London,  1654. 

Jaegerus,  J.  W. :  De  Jacobo  Boehmio  judicium  H.  Mori  disputa- 
tione  discussum.  Tubingen,  1708. 

Law,  William:  Works.     9  vols.     London,  1753-76.     Reprinted  pri- 
vately by  G.  Moreton,  1892-93. 
The  Liberal  and  Mystical  Writings  of  William  Law.    Ed.  by 

W.  Scott  Palmer,  1908. 
[See    especially    for   Boehme    To   the   Christianity   of   the   Age. 

Notes  comprising  an   elucidation   of  scope  and   contents   of   the 

writing  of  Jacob  Behmen,  and  The  way  to  divine  knowledge,  being 

several  dialogues  .   ,   .  preparatory  to  a  new  edition  of  the  works  of 

Jacob  Behmen.    See  also  chap,  xii  of  Cambridge  History  of  English 

Literature,  Vol.  IX,  1912.] 

Made,  I. :  Miroir  temporel  de  I'Eternite  .  .  .  traduit  de  1'Allemand 
par  le  Sr.  I.  Made.  Francfurt,  1669.  [There  is  also  an 
engraved  title-page  reading:  De  signitura  rerum  c'est  a  dire 
De  la  signiture  de  toutes  choses  .  .  .  vraij  miroir  temporel 
de  1'eternite.] 

Martensen,  H.  L. :  Jacob  Bohme:  His  Life  and  Teaching.  Tr.  by 
T.  Rhys  Evans.  London,  1885. 

Mercurius  Teutonicus:  or  Christian  Information  concerning  the 
last  Times  .  .  .  gathered  out  of  the  mysticall  writings  of 
.  .  .  Jacob  Behmen.  London,  1649.  Another  ed.  1656. 
Extracts  from  Mercurius  Teutonicus  .  .  .  repeated  in  pro- 
phetical passages  concerning  the  present  times  .  .  .  Richard 
Brothers.  London,  1795. 

Mettallurgia  Bohmiana  .  .  .  Eine  Beschreibung  der  Metallen 
nach  ihrem  Ursprung  .  .  .  Nach  des  Jacob  Bohmii  prin- 
cipiis.  Amsterdam,  1695. 

More,  Henry :  Philosophiae  Teutonicae  Censura.  London,  1670. 
[See  also  Enthusiasmus  Triumphatus  and  Divine  Dialogues.] 

Okeley,  Francis :  Memoirs  of  Jacob  Behmen.  Northampton,  1780. 
[A  collection  of  all  documents  giving  first-hand  informa- 
tion of  B.'s  life  and  works.] 

Peip,  A. :  Jakob  Bohme  der  deutsche  Philosoph.    Leipzig,  1860. 

Penny,    Anne    Judith :    An    Introduction    to    the    Study    of    Jacob 

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INDEX 


Absolute,  the,  2,  6,  43 
Academy,  7,  18,  19,  20,  22,  63,  64, 

72,  76,  81,  82,  103,  104,  117, 

118,  136 

Addison,  171,  172,  179,  180 
Agrippa,  Cornelius  von  Nettes- 

heim,  10,  13,  50,  78 
Ainsworth,  Henry,  38 
Albertus  Magnus,  10 
Alchemy,  2,  8,  10,  11,  13,  17,  29, 

44.  49,  50,  52,  76,  80,  81,  83, 

84,  92,  96 
Althaus,  120* 
Anabaptists,  14,  15,  34,  36,  37,  41, 

43,  45,  54,  55,  64,  67,  94,  97, 

104.     See  Baptists 
Anderdon,  John,  98 
Andreae,    Johann    Valentin,    17, 

18,  20,  21,  22,  68,  69,  71,  85, 

121 

Angels,  8.  95,  141,  147 
Anti-Christ,  42 
Antilia-Macaria,  73,  75 
Antilians,  76 
Antinomians,  54,  55 
Aquinas,  Thomas,  3,  4 
Aristotle,  61 
Arminianism,  55 
Arndt,    Johann,    12,    15,    18,   20, 

97 

Arnold,  Gottfried,  13*.  17*,  96 
Arnoldus,    Villanovanus,    10 
Ashmole,  Elias,  79,  79*,  95 
Astrology.     See  Magic 
Aubrey,  79 
Audland,  John.  101 
Augustine,  Saint,  3,  4,  45 

Baader,  Franz  von,  175 
Bacon,  Francis,  22,  62,  71,  80 


Bacon,  Roger,  10 

Baker,  the  Venerable  Augustine, 

4.7 

Baillie,  41,  54,  127* 
Baptism,  infant,  54,  102* 
Baptists,  38,  115 

Barclay,  Robert,  100,  100*,  103* 
Barker,  C.  J.,  59*.  60* 
Bayley,  William,   101,  102* 
Baxter,     Richard,    94,    96,    97, 

98,  99,  m 
Beale,  72 
Begemann,  17* 
Berens,  113* 
Berge,  von,  122 
Berkeley,  81 

Bernard,  Saint,  3,  4,  45,  46 
Be  megger,  18,  22 
Bernhard  de  Trevigo,  10 
Betkius  [Beets],  77,  85*,  88 
Bible,  3,  n,  12,  15,  41,  43,  70,  108, 

133.  135,  163 
Birch,  71*.  72* 
Blake.  William,   175 
Blunden,  56,  60,  62,  95 
Boehme,  A.  W.,  36*.  56*,  78*.  90* 
Boehme,  25,  26,  27,  57,  61,  62,  88, 
98,  114 

academies,  81 

alchemy,  30,  78,  82,  90,  107 

Antilians,  76,  77 

authority,  163 

critics,  59,  60,  90,  91,  96,  99, 
105,  109,  no 

democracy,  138 

Jews,  89 

life.  24,  57.  62,  84 

literary     influence,     138,     i/o, 
172.  175 

politics,  in 


195 


196 


INDEX 


Boehme : 

Quakers,  91,  94,  100,  101 
science,  80,  81 
social  reform,  82,   180 
spread  of  interest  in,  56,  57, 
61,  67,  77,  90,  91,  101,   104, 
114 

students  of,  59,  79,  81,  83,  84, 
90,  105,  106,  107,  108,  109, 
1 10,  in,  112,  113,  134,  170, 
177,  178 

style,  60,  93,  94,  95 
teachings,    82,    100,    133,    140, 

144,  176,  178,  179 
works,  56,  58,  60,  77,  79,  81,  88, 

103,  108,  109,  135 
Boehmenists,  12,  67,  92,  93,  94, 
96,  98,   99,    100,    102*,   104, 
107 

Bonaventura,  3 
Boreel,  Adam,  68,  89,  120 
Boyle,  Robert,  22,  65,  71,  72,  73, 

74,  120,  121,  122 
Braithwaite,  100* 
Brewster,  Sir  David,  80 
Brice,    Edmund,    106 
Bromeley,  106 
Browne,  Robert,  38 
Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  76 
Brownists,  38,  41 
Brunnquell,  Ludwig,  107 
Bruno,  Giordano,  22 
Bunyan,  43,  54 
Burroughs,  40 
Byrom,  John,  175 

Cabalistic.     See  Kabalah 
Calvinism,  18,  34,  35,  36 
Camm,  John,  101 
Campanella,  22,  71,  72 
Carlyle,  Thomas,   175 
Carriere,  9*.  24*,  91 
Casaubon,    Meric,  90 
Catholicism,  34,  35,  39,  48,  98 
Cheyne,   108,   109* 
Christ,  12,  15,  19,  21,  38,  40,  112, 

142,    143,   158,   159,   160,   162 
Christianity,  2,   23,   72,   73,    139, 

175,   176 


Church,  3,  7,  14,  18,  24,  29,  33, 
34,  37,  38,  39,  41,  47,  66,  82, 
123 

English,  32,  35,  48,  49,  97 
Lutheran,  13,  18,  19,  33,  34 
and  state,  31,  33,  36,  37,  38,  40, 

127,  166,  174 

Civil  War,  35,  52,  54,  69,  74,  128 
Cloud  of  Unknowing,  the,  4 
Colberg,  15,  84* 
Coleridge,  170,  175 
College,  Invisible,  76,  89,  122 
Collegiants,  68,  89 
Comenius,  18,  21,  22,  62,  64,  69, 
70,  71,  75,  82,  86*,  88,  121, 

122 

Confessio  Fraternitatis,  16,  17 
Congregational  Way,  38,  39,  40, 

41,  128 

Conway,  Lady  Anne,  92 
Coppe,  Abiezer,  06 
Cressy,  Father  Serenus,  48 
Crisp,  Stephen,  102 
Croese,  107,  179 
Cromwell,  19,  39,  46,  53,  54,  64, 

89,    1 10,    in,   112,   127,   133, 

138 
Cults,  Oriental,  2 

Dell,  William,  46,  no 
Democracy,  36,  39,  103,  in 
Dennis,  John,  171,  172,  179 
Descartes.  62,  167 
Denck,  Hans,  45 
Diggers,  40,  113 

Dionysius,  3,  4,  6,  13,  45,  46,  49 

Dury,  John,  22,  47,  65-69,  82,  88, 

89,  96,  120,  121,  122,  126 

Eccles,  F.,  101 
Eckhart,  4,  5,  31 
Ecstasy,  2,  15,  25 
Edwards,  Thomas,  55 
Ellistone,  John,  56 
Ellwood,  Thomas.  99,  134 
Emotions,   138,   170,   171,  173 
Ennempser,  96 

Enthusiasm.  41,  52,  55,  57,  96, 
loo,  108,  112,  128 


INDEX 


197 


Episcopacy,  40,  46 
Erasmus,  32 

Erigena,  John  Scotus,  3,  13 
Eusebius,  86* 

Everard,  John,  44,  45,  47,  49,  50 
Evil,  29,  43,   loo,  114,  124,   140, 
141,  148,  150 

Faith,  2,  7,  13,  14,  25,  33 

Fama   Fraternitatis,    16,    17,   20, 

71,78 
Familists,  41,  44,  45,  55,  67,  94, 

97,   100 

Felgenhauer,  Paul,  83,  89,  98 
Ferrar,  Nicolas,  48,  49 
Ficinus,   Marsilius,   7,   18,  51 
Fludd,  Robert,  21,  30,  50 
Fouque,  175 
Fox,  George,  62,  100,  101,  103, 

III,   112 

Francis,  Saint,  45 

Franck,  Sebastian,  5,  12,  13,  25, 

30,  46 
Frankenberg,  Abraham  von,  77, 

84,  85*,  88,  89 
Freedom,  12,  13,  16,  19,  28,  29, 

33,  34.  35,  37,  39,  40,  46,  54, 
94,  108,  113,  119,  127,  128, 
164.  See  Toleration 

Free-will,  82,   123,  149 

Freher,   108,   109 

Fretwell,  Ralph,  102 

Friends  of  God,  103.  105 

Friends,  102,  104.    See  Quakers 

Fuller,  37»,  42 

Galileo,  117 

Genius,  178-181 

George,  David,  41,  97 

Gibson,  Edmund,  37* 

Gibson,  William,  102* 

Gifftheyl,  90 

God,  13,  26,  27,  29,  43.  59,   "4. 

141-145.     See    Christ,   Holy 

Spirit,  Trinity 
Goethe,  175,  179 
Gooch,  G.  P.,  40* 
Good  and  Evil,  27,  28,  85,  161 
Goodwin,  40 


Gott,  Samuel,  113 
Gravius,   Theodoricus,  79 
Grotius,     Hugo,    22,     117,     118, 

139 
Guhrauer,  22 

Haak,  22,  64,  121,  122 
Hamann,  181 
Harless,  Adolph  von,  30 
Hartlib,    Samuel,   22,  65-77,   83, 

86,  87,  88,  90,  119-125,  134 
Hegel,  175 

Helmont,  J.  B.,  ir,  22,  30,  92 
Helmont,    Mercurius,    u,    92 
Helvetius,  88,  89 
Herder,  181 
Hermes,  7,  51,  61,  62 
Hilton,  Walter,  4 
Holstein,  Lucas,  117 
Holy   Spirit,   15,  38,  59,  60,  68, 

86*,   105,  106,   130,   131,   134, 

139,  144-146,  156,  166 
Hotham,    Charles,    47,    60,    61, 

92 

Hotham,  Durant,  47,  60-63 
Hotham,  Sir  John,  47,  101 
Hotham,  Justice,  100,  101 
Howgil,  Francis,  101 
Huggins,  Sir  William,  79* 
Humanism,  19,  31,  32,  33,  64,  70, 

71,  81,  103,  137,  181 
Hylkema,  89* 

Imagination,  129,  137,  144,  152, 
153.  154,  171,  172,  173,  178 

Independents,  38,  40,  46,  47,  52- 
55,  63,  67,  95,  98,  103,  ni, 
115,  127,  132,  136 

Inner  Light,  2,  12,  13,  14,  15,  18, 
26,  34,  43,  46,  47,  51,  52,  55, 
59,  68,  76,  84,  97,  100,  no, 
112,  114,  131,  132,  138,  146, 
161,  166,  167,  180 

Inspiration,  2,  15,  41,  52,  70,  96, 
129 

Ironsides,  83 

Jessop,  Edmund,  42,  43 
Johnson,  Francis,  38 


198 


INDEX 


Jones,  R.  M.,  37 
Jones,  Richard,  65 
Julian  of  Norwich,  4,  32 
Jung-Stelling,   175 
Jungius,  Joachim,  22 

Kabalah,  8,  II,  13,  29,  92,  93,  96 

Karlstadt,  14 

Keller,  Ludwig,  19 

Kelpius,  Johann,   107 

a  Kempis,  Thomas,  5,  II,  13,  31, 

46,  50,  84 

Kepler,  Johann,  22 
Klopstock,  152*,  180 
Knowledge,  6,  7,  13,  23,  69,  70, 

162 

Knox,  John,  36 
Korner,  177 

Laud,  Archbishop,  39 

Lavater,  81 

Law,  William,  79,  80,  81,  108, 

109,  175 

Lead,  Jane,  106,  108 
Lee,  Francis,  108 
Leibnitz,   18,  22 
Levellers,  40 
Liebert,  123 
Lloyd,  Morgan,  in 
Lloyd,  Lodowick,  56 
Lully,  10,  63 
Luther,  n,  12,  16,  25,  31,  32,  33 

Magic,  2,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10,  n,  13,  17, 

52,  83,  86*,  06 
Marianus,  Angelus,  84 
Masson,  19,  117* 
Mede,  Joseph,  83,  120 
Medici.  7,  18 

Melancholy,   118,  177,  178 
Menasseh  ben  Israel,  89 
Meth,  Ezekiel,  98 
Methodists,  no 
Millennium,  15,  83,  174 
Milton,  53,  55,  61,  89,  112,  115  ff. 

academy,  65,  117 

Areopagitica,  119,   123,  124 

authority,  131,  163 

classicism,   137 


Milton : 

Commonwealth,    126,   138,   177 

on  education,  116,  119 

heterodox  views,  132 

independency,  123 

inspiration,  128,  138 

interest  in  Boehme,  161 

predestination,  119 

romanticism,  137,  170,  171,  173, 
175 

state  church,  123,  125 
Mirandola,  Pico  de,  8,  9 
More,  Henry,  49,  51,  60,  71,  91, 

93,  175,  178 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  32,  113 
Muggleton,  Lodowick,  99 
Miinzer,    14 

Murray,  Sir  Robert,  79 
Mylius,  Hermann,  122 
Mysticism,  1-6,  n,  16,  24,  31,  32, 
34,  45,  49,  63,  70,  83,  84,  94, 
96,   114,   127,  172,  173 
Mystics,  I,  3,  4,  5,  13,  23,  26,  32, 

34,  35,  37,  43,  44,  48,  49,  97, 
98,  105,  106,  173,  176 
Mythology,   176 

Neoplatonism,  2,  3,  5,  6,  7,  8,  10, 
12,  13,  18,  24,  48,  49,  50,  51, 
55,  63,  84,  91,  92,  93,  H4 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  79,  80 

Nicholas,  Henry,  41 

Nova  Solyma,  113 

Novalis,  175,  177,  178 

Oldenburg,    Heinrich,    65,    121, 

122 

Opel,   17,  98*,  152* 
Opitz,  22 
Origenes,  45 
Oxenstierna,  22,  70 

Pagit,  Dr.,  134 

Pagitt,  Ephraim,  55 

Pauli,    115* 

Patricius,  Franciscus,  71 

Paracelsus,  10,  n,  13,  25,  30,  50, 

51,  77,  7.8,  84,  92,  97 
Pegnitz  Society,  20 


INDEX 


199 


Pell,  62,  121,  122,  126 
Penney,  Norman,  100 
Pennington,  Isaac,   134 
Pepys,   Samuel,  79 
Peters,   Hugh,   no 
Philadelphists,     105,     107,     108, 

109*,  133 
Philosopher's  Stone,   10,  n,  10, 

30,  50,  63,  76,  77* 
Philosophy,  2,  3,  4,  13,  16,  20,  22, 

117 

Pietists,  107,  no,  175 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  37 
Plato,  7,  45,  49,  61,  62,  63,  71,  92 
Plotinus,  2,  3,  6,  7,  19,  25,  45,  49, 

61,  64,  92 

Poleman,  Joachim,  73,  74,  76,  87 
Pordage,  John,  95,  106 
Porphyry,  6 
Prayer,  25,   130,  167 
Predestination,    132,    169 
Presbyterians,  39,  115,   123,   124, 

125 

Proclus,  3,  45,  49 
Prophecy,  2,  52,  83,  177 
Protestantism,    19,  48,   64 
Pufendorf,  22 
Puritanism,  4,  40,  108,  115 
Puritans,  36,  37,  38,  67 
Pythagoras,  61,  62 

Quakers,  40,  47,  57,  00-92,  94,  96, 
98,  99,  101,  103,  104,  111-113, 
127,  133,  176.  See  Friends 

Quietists,  45,  49,  133 

Ranters,  94 

Reformation,   12,  16,  20,  23,  31, 
32,  39.  52,  53,  68,  70,  71,  74, 
76,  82,  113,  123,  171 
counter.  19,  35 

in   England,  31,  35,  36,  38.  82 
in  Germany,  15,  25,  34,  40 

Regeneration,  16.  25,  26,  41,  ill 

Renaissance,  7,  18,  137 

Reuchlin,  Johann,  8 

Richard  of  St.  Victor,  3 

Ritschl,  58 

Roach,  Richard,  106* 


Robinson,  John,  38,  39 
Rogers,  John,  42 
Rolle,  Richard,  3,  32,  48 
Romanticism,  chapter  VI 
Rosicrucians,   2,   16,   18,   21,  22, 

50,  78,  81,  98,  99,  107 
Rous,  Francis,  45 
Royal  Society,  64,  76,  79,  80,  107, 

122 

Rutherford,  Samuel,  46* 
Ruysbroeck,  5,  48 


Sachse,   107*,  108* 
Sacraments,   14,  29,   103,   167 
Saints,  53,  54,  83 
Saltmarsh,  47,  no 
Schelling,    175 
Schenkendorf,    177 
Schlegels,  The,  175 
Schleiermacher,   162 
Schneider,   17* 
Scholasticism,  23 
Schopenhauer,  175 
Schwenkfeld,   5,   12,   13,   25,  30, 

67,  84,  97 

Scriptures.     See  Bible 
Sedgwick,  William,  no 
Seekers,  89,  94,  97,  100,  roi,  112 
Selden,  62,  122 
Sendivogius,  63 
Separatists,  40,  68,  98,  130 
Shakspere,  173,  178 
Shorthouse,  J.  H.,  49* 
Sippell,     Theodor,     47*,     100*, 

ioi*,  103* 
Sloane  MS..  68*,  69*.  73*.  77*. 

84*.  85*.  86*,  88*.  89*,  90* 
Socrates,  61 
Societies,    fraternal,    21-23,    63, 

64.  69-74,  103.  104,  113 
Socinianism,  54,  67 
Spanheim.  Ezekiel,  22.  117 
Sparrow,  John,  56,  58,  63 
Spenser,  Edmund,  4 
Sperber,  Julius,  98 
State.     See  Church 
Stern.   117*,   121*.   126* 
Stiefcl,  Jesaias,  98 


2OO 


INDEX 


Storm  and  Stress,  176,  179,  181 
Suso,  Heinrich,  4,  5,  48 

Tauler,  4,  6,  12,  13,  14,  31,  44,  45, 

48,84 

Taylor,  Edmund,  105 
Taylor,  Thomas,  101 
Theologia  Germanica,  5,  13,  31, 

44,  45,  49,  9i 

Theosophical  Brotherhood,  133 
Theosophy,  52,  92 
Thomson,  173 
Tieck,  175,  178 
Todd,   133* 
Toland,  115 
Toleration,  21,  23,  35,  43,  67,  108, 

112,   128,   131,  132,  134,   164, 

167 

Travers,  Rebecca,  101 
Trevisanus,  63 
Trinity,   132,  144,  146 
Troeltsch,  30,  44,  46,  64,  103* 
Truth,  6,    13,   51,  52,   77*.    102, 

138 

Tryon,  Thomas,   108,   109* 
Tulloch,  John,  51* 

Underhill,  Evelyn,  3*,  6*,  48* 
Underhill,  Thomas,  99 

Valentinus,  Basilius,  10,  77* 
Vane,  Sir  Henry,   in,   126,  134 


Vanists,  94 

Vaughan,  Thomas,  51,  78 

Vittel,  Christopher,  42 

Waite,  A.  E.,  78* 
Waldenses,  71,  104 
Walthar,  Balthazar,  96 
Ward,  93* 
Webbe,  Joseph,  79 
Weckherlin,  122,  126 
Weigel,  13,  14,  15,  25,  30,  51,  84, 

98,  152* 

Weigelians,  67,  97 
Weingarten,  19*,  40*,  55*,  no*, 

127* 

Wense,  Wilhelm  von  der,  22 
Wesley,  John,  no 
Will,  7,  26,   141,   145,   146 
Williams,  Roger,  127,  133 
Winstanley,  Gerrard,  112,  113 
Witchcraft,   10,   52 
Wolf,  Lucien.  89* 
a  Wood,  79*.  95* 
Wordsworth,    175 
Worthington,    72,    73,    78*.    83, 

87*,  90*.  93* 
Wyclif,  37 

Young,  173,  179,  180,  181 

Zimmermann,     Johann      Jakob, 

107 
Zwingli,  32 


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